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Press freedom: The Singapore grip

1 December 2010

From the Guardian -  17 November 2010

Singapore is proud of its place near the top of many international rankings. Its school system is by some measures the world's best. The island state promotes itself as diverse, competitive and cultured – an exciting global hub. But there are two league tables which shame Singapore. The first, compiled by the campaigning group Reporters Without Borders, places the country 136th in the world for press freedom – below Iraq and Zimbabwe. The second is the rate at which Singapore executes convicted criminals: arguably higher, per capita, than any other country in the world.

Singapore presents itself as a modern liberal democracy: it has a parliament, elections, courts, a constitutional right to free speech and the consumerist gloss of capitalism. Its citizens are free to become rich and to travel. Many do both. The country has by any measure succeeded since independence. But its autocratic political culture – overseen by the country's founding father and now official minister mentor Lee Kuan Yew – is highly and needlessly restrictive. The media is largely state-owned. Defamation and contempt laws threaten dissent. The latest victim of these is Alan Shadrake, a British-born writer sentenced yesterday to six weeks in prison and a large fine after being found guilty of contempt of court. His book Once a Jolly Hangman questioned the independence of Singapore's legal system, and its use of the death penalty.

It is depressing that a country as successful as Singapore should feel the need for such restrictions on free speech. Singapore argues that, without them, the balance between the country's Chinese, Malay and Indian populations would be upset. But the reality is that other successful parts of Asia – Hong Kong and Taiwan, for instance – have thrived by extending free speech and the rule of law. Singapore is making itself a less significant place by refusing to give its people the sorts of freedoms that are routine elsewhere.

On a practical level, the decision to prosecute Mr Shadrake was also foolish. His book has had far greater attention because of it, and Singapore's reputation has been harmed. Mr Shadrake is quite right to attack a criminal justice system whose victims are often poor migrant workers. His book was legitimate and – despite the court's claim to the contrary – largely accurate. The suspicion is that the Singapore government resented the exposure of a squalid system of routine executions which sits uneasily with the image it likes to present to the world. Singapore wants to be judged as a first-world nation. It must find the confidence to allow its citizens the freedoms that go with that status. Repression is not the route to success. In the end, it will prove its enemy.

More here : Columbia Journalism Review
 

EK changes for 2011

1 December 2010

This is the first release of new flight details and aircraft changes by Emirates for their 2011/2012 operating plan. This will chaneg over time especially as new destinations are added; together with additional frequency increases and aircraft allocation changes, most notably additional A380 deployments.

Dubai – Bangkok eff 30MAY11 28th weekly frequency resumes, EK374/375 operates Daily instead of Day x6

Also worth noting that Dubai – Bangkok EK372/373 which was expected to move to an A380 service will remain with 777-300 operation.

Dubai – Hamburg eff 01SEP11 Increase from 1 to 2 Daily. 2nd Daily flight operates with 3-class 777-200ER
EK059 DXB0900 – 1340HAM 773 D
EK061 DXB1500 – 1940HAM 772 D

EK060 HAM1525 – 2340DXB 773 D
EK062 HAM2125 – 0540+1DXB 772 D

Dubai – Sydney eff 02OCT11 2nd Daily nonstop service (3rd Daily overall) to be resumed
EK414 DXB0140 – 2230SYD 77W D
EK415 SYD0600 – 1330DXB 77W D 03OCT11-

Dubai – Singapore eff 30OCT11 Introduction of 3rd Daily NONSTOP with 3-class 777-300ER (non-suite; overall SIN service increase to 4 Daily)
EK354 DXB0325 – 1445SIN 77W D
EK355 SIN0200 – 0510DXB 77W D

Following routes sees planned aircraft change
Dubai – Colombo – Singapore eff 27MAR11 6 weekly 777-300ER and 1 weekly -300 operating (currently 5 weekly -300ER and 2 weekly -300)
Dubai – Lagos 27MAR11 – 29OCT11 EK783/784 777-300ER with Suites replace -300ER Regular First Class seating
Dubai – Guangzhou eff 27MAR11 Day x16 operates by 777-300ER with Suites (P), replacing regular First Class seating (F)
Dubai – Paris CDG eff 27MAR11 EK075/076 Daily 777-300 (currently 777-200 operates on Day 7, the rest with -300)
Dubai – Amsterdam eff 31MAY11 Daily 777-300ER (with suites; currently Day 2 operates with -200LR, the rest with -300ER)
Dubai – Munich eff 02AUG11 EK051/052 Day x1 Airbus A340-300 replace A330-200 eff 30OCT11 EK051/052 Daily A340-300
Dubai – Zurich eff 01SEP11 EK085/086 777-300ER (with Suites) replace -200. Service becomes 2 Daily -300ER with Suites
Dubai – Delhi eff 30OCT11 EK514/515 Boeing 777-200LR replace A340-500
Dubai – Hamburg eff 30OCT11 EK059/060 Boeing 777-300ER (with suites) replace -300
Dubai – Kuala Lumpur – Melbourne eff 30OCT11 Boeing 777-300ER with Suites replace -300ER with regular First Class Seating
Dubai – Madrid eff 30OCT11 Boeing 777-300ER (with Suites) replace Airbus A340-300
Dubai – Male eff 30OCT11 Boeing 777-300ER with Suites replace -300ER with regular First Class Seating
Dubai – Milan Malpensa eff 30OCT11 EK093/094 3-class 777-300 replace Airbus A340-300
Dubai – Moscow Domodedovo eff 30OCT11 EK131/132 Boeing 777-300ER with Suites operates Daily (currently 5 times a week with Suites)
Dubai – Nice eff 30OCT11 Airbus A340-300 replace A330-200

World Cup sites face D-day

30 November 2010

VOTING PROCEDURE
1 Dec: 2022 bids make 30-minute final presentations to Executive Committee (ExCo) at Fifa headquarters in Zurich
Order: Australia (1300 GMT), South Korea (1400 GMT), Qatar (1500 GMT), USA (1600 GMT), Japan (1700 GMT)
2 Dec: 2018 bids make 30-minute final presentations to ExCo at Fifa headquarters
Order: Netherlands-Belgium (0800 GMT), Spain-Portugal (0900 GMT), England (1000 GMT), Russia (1100 GMT)
Process: Secret ballot of 22 ExCo members at Fifa headquarters
To win: One bid needs an absolute majority - 12 votes
If no majority: Bid with fewest votes drops out and another round of voting occurs until majority achieved
If tie: Fifa president Sepp Blatter has casting vote
Announcement: Results put in two envelopes and taken to Zurich Exhibition Centre, where Blatter announces winner (approx 1500 GMT)

2018
Bidding Countries:

England
Russia
Netherlands/Belgium
Spain/Portugal

 

2022
Bidding
 Countries:

Australia
Qatar
USA
Japan
South Korea
 

The hosts of the 2018 and 2022 World Cup finals will be chosen on Thursday, bringing to an end more than three years of planning, campaigning and lobbying.

Key members of England's bid team have been in Zurich since Saturday, with Prime Minister David Cameron, Prince William, David Beckham and other notable names arriving on Tuesday to complete a 30-strong delegation.

London 2012 Olympic chief Lord Coe, England's record goalscorer Bobby Charlton and national manager Fabio Capello are among those involved in the last-minute lobbying efforts.

To be honest, England, the 1966 hosts, have little chance.

After a period of informal lobbying, the candidates' final 30-minute presentations begin on Wednesday afternoon at the lavish Home of Fifa - the organisation's headquarters since 2006 in Zurich.

The five contenders for the 2022 tournament begin the proceedings with Australia first followed by South Korea, Qatar, the United States and Japan at hourly intervals.

At 0800 GMT on Thursday, the 2018 bidders start their final pitches. Co-bidders Netherlands-Belgium begin proceedings followed by the joint Spain-Portugal bid then England and lastly Russia.

Fifa's executive committee will then retire to vote in a secret ballot.

The executive committee is led by president Sepp Blatter and consists of eight vice-presidents and 15 members appointed by the sport's confederations and national associations.

However, Thursday's election will currently consist of 22 rather than 24 votes after the suspension of members Amos Adamu and Reynald Temarii over corruption allegations.

Should Temarii waive his right to appeal against his year-long ban, Fifa may allow Oceania to replace him on the executive committee, altering the bidders' delicate calculations once more.

The victorious bidders for each tournament will be the first to gain an absolute majority of 12 votes among the members.

If no bid obtains the required votes, the bid with the fewest votes is eliminated and another round of voting begins, with the process repeated until there is a winner.

Should two bids finish the process tied together with 11 votes each, Blatter will have the casting vote.

The trouble with selecting both the 2018 and 2022 bids at the same time is that their is huge potential for collusion. For instance if the Middle East and South American votes can agree that they will vote for Spain/Portugal in 2018 and Qatar in 2022. Qatar's World Cup bid has been dogged by allegations of collusion with Spain over voting for the 2018 and 2022 tournaments. Both bid teams deny the claims and FIFA's ethics committee investigated the allegations, concluding on November 18 that it had not found 'enough' evidence to take action.

Now 2018 will be a European World Cup. That became clear after Brazil won the 2014 World Cup.

It is also clear that FIFA want a China World Cup; it is the last great untapped football market. It may well be that China has been given the nod for 2026. If that is the case then Asia should not get the 2022 tournament.

The voters in Zurich will pick from four bids for the 2018 tournament -- England, Russia, Spain/Portugal and Netherlands/Belgium -- and five for 2022 -- United States, Japan, South Korea, Qatar and Australia.

It would be a surprise if there is a clear first round winner for either contest so picking up votes after the first round, once rivals had been eliminated is crucial. Successful bids will need to pick up other country's votes as they fall out of the race.

England may have the infrastructure and the stadiums, but FIFA President Sepp Blatter loves to give the World Cup to controversial venues, as South Africans are only too aware after 2010. The Russians are confident of at least ten votes. England's prying media have embarrassed FIFA as well.

Spain and Portugal claim to have wrapped up eight votes already and are second favourites behind Russia. The first round may go Russia 10, Spain and Portugal 8, England 4 and Holland and Belgium maybe 0.

Russia will win. They are talking about large sums of money; and maybe their stadiums wont become the white elephants that now lie empty in South Africa. Further Russia has never hosted a world cup. Forget the huge travel distances, and ignore the corruption and crime.

2022 gets interesting; assuming China in 2026 that rules out the South Korean and Japan bids (they jointly hosted the 2002 tournament). Australia is simply too small a domestic market, too far away, and in too poor a timezone for the TV audiences. So that leaves it between the USA (2004 hosts) and Qatar. Given the USA is hardly flavor of the month at the moment it may be Qatar that wins. How bizarre and how money driven, not fan driven, would that be?


Democrats win. Democracy loses.

30 November 2010

The verdict came as a shock to foreigners and Thais. The Nation newspaper was predicting a six-hour read of the verdict. Instead it took just forty minutes until the Constitution Court spared the Democratic Party from dissolution by dismissing a charge of misuse of an election grant.

Six Constitution Court judges yesterday voted 4:2 to drop the case in which the party was accused by the Election Commission of misusing a 29 million baht grant from the EC during its campaigning for the April 2, 2005, general election.

The four judges who decided to throw out the case argued that the EC chairman, as the political party registrar, had failed - as required under the Political Parties Act - to submit the case to the court within 15 days of being notified that the grant might have been misused.

Brilliant; so after months of deliberation the court simply said that it could never have voted on the case anyway because it had not followed legal process. This is the same court that was put in place after the 2006 coup and which through out Thaksin's TRT and PPP parties.

The judges said the allegation that the party misused the grant came to the attention of the political parties registrar on Dec 17 last year, but the registrar only submitted the case to the court on April 26 this year.

This went beyond the 15-day time frame for submission of the case. This meant the move to dissolve the Democrats was unlawful and therefore there was no need to deliberate the rest of the legal issues related to the case, the judges said.

Brilliant; their position is that no one can charge the court of double standards as they could not hear the case anyway. It is their fault, the EC, not ours.

Yet if it was a decision based on technicality, then the vote should have been 6-0. The 2 who voted against must basically be saying that 15 day period doesn't exist. If it is a technical issue then the facts should be black and white and the verdict unanimous.

So no one will ever opine on whether the Democrat Party had actually misused the grant.

There is still a further case involving the alleged illegal donation from TPI Polene; but the suspicion is that this may be dismissed on the same technicality.

The Election Commission has been humiliated. There should be mass resignations. But this is Thailand. A shrug of the shoulders will suffice.

After a year of living dangerously, Dubai is getting back to basics

29 November 2010 - The Guardian

Dubai will never be the same again. The tourists will still fill Jumeirah's golden beaches, the traffic will speed dangerously along Sheikh Zayed Road and the hedonistic bars and night clubs will still pulsate into the early hours.

But the past year has utterly changed the ethos of the glitzy Gulf emirate. The crisis that exploded a year ago has dealt a serious blow to Dubai's self-confidence and its grandiose plans to be the Middle East's financial capital.

The events triggered by what is known locally as 25/11 - the date on which Dubai World, the heavily indebted conglomerate, told its creditors that it could not repay about $US25 billion of debts as planned - will continue to have profound effects on the economic, financial and political character of the emirate.

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Dubai will recover, and may even in time regain some of its swagger, but it will be a long process and the emirate that emerges at the other end will not be the same brash millionaires' playground it was in early 2007.

In February of that year, Dubai's hubris was at its peak. Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, its ruler, forecast that by 2015, Dubai would be ''an Arab city of global significance, rivalling Cordoba and Baghdad''. That his benchmarks were the two urban jewels of Muslim culture at the height of the mediaeval Islamic empire demonstrated the scale of the ambition.

The financial crisis has dashed that vision forever. The strategy was predicated on annual growth in gross domestic product of 13.5 per cent a year - always an ambitious target but now in the realms of fantasy.

Simon Williams, chief Middle East economist at HSBC, believes that GDP for the United Arab Emirates as a whole (Dubai is just one emirate out of seven making up the federation) fell by nearly 2.9 per cent in 2009, and will rise by a modest 2 per cent this year and 4.1 per cent next. Given that most of that will be led by the oil-rich capital Abu Dhabi, it is likely that Dubai's growth will be negative this year and flat in 2011 - not the stuff of Islamic imperial dreams.

''Although Dubai's recession is probably over, we fear the economy will struggle to regain momentum this year and into 2011,'' Williams said.

Others are even more pessimistic. Christopher Davidson, reader in Middle East politics at Durham University and author of a study of Dubai, said: ''Dubai is still very much in the midst of its crisis, as its decade-long misadventure into real estate still has a good few years to play out due to much more supply hitting the market and much more debt reservicing.''

The Dubai real estate boom was fuelled by the government's decision to allow foreigners to own property in the emirate in 2002. The explosion in property prices that followed reached its peak in early 2008, when some apartment and villa prices were appreciating 10 per cent in a week. For a country without significant reserves of oil in an energy-rich region, property became Dubai's equivalent of the black gold, driving economic growth.

Those days will probably never return. JPMorgan, the US investment bank, recently forecast that property prices would continue to fall until they bottomed out at 80 per cent below 2008 levels. The fall is currently estimated at 50-60 per cent of those values. There is more pain to come in Dubai property.

More than half the near-1000 real estate projects in the emirate have been cancelled, according to government statistics. Some of the big prestige developments - such as the tallest building in the world, the Burj Khalifa - have been completed or are still in progress, but the bread-and-butter projects of the construction industry have been shut down. Orders for cranes, which once dominated the city's skyline, have fallen 40 per cent.

With property in the doldrums, Sheikh Mohammed has had to rethink the strategy. Now, according to the government's revised plan, the focus will be on those core activities that made Dubai a thriving commercial hub before the cheap-credit property boom: transport and logistics, the re-export business, retailing, leisure and tourism.

The role of the financial services industry in this new scheme is uncertain. If the bust of 25/11 was sparked by property, its most obvious effects were apparent in the financial sector. Overnight, liquidity dried up and credit was almost impossible to find. Credit default swap prices soared to Icelandic levels. Banks that had lavished borrowings on Dubai's corporations in the good years prepared for the inevitable hit to their balance sheets.

Dubai World's decision to appoint a chief restructuring officer - the British accountant Aidan Birkett, hired from Deloittes - showed the interdependence between property and finance. Many of the conglomerate's big liabilities were contained within its Nakheel subsidiary, the developer of the manmade islands that include Palm Jumeirah and other ''lifestyle waterside developments'', which came to symbolise the emirate's brashness.

Birkett, a plain-speaking Geordie with experience of some of the biggest corporate collapses in recent British history, saw the link between property and finance early on. ''Fix Nakheel, and you go a long way to fixing Dubai real estate; fix real estate, and you fix Dubai,'' he said.

Birkett's strategy was largely successful in persuading Dubai World's banks to play ball. Appointed on November 25 last year, by May he had secured the agreement of a majority of creditors, and in October he was able to quit the CRO role with his job done and 100 per cent of creditors signed up to the rescheduled repayment plan for its $US25 billion liabilities.

But Dubai is far from out of the woods. The Dubai World debts will now be repaid in five to eight years, at lower interest rates, but those repayments still have to be met. By any measure, the emirate still has a mountain of debt.

The International Monetary Fund estimates its total indebtedness at $US110 billion, including the debts of central government, government-related companies such as Dubai World, and other corporations. This is about 140 per cent of GDP - putting the emirate above Greece and Ireland in the world debt league.

Compounding Dubai's problems, much of this debt falls due in the short to medium term. Some $US24 billion is repayable between now and the third quarter of 2012, suggesting that a raft of restructurings are likely soon.

Dubai Holding, the conglomerate owned personally by Sheikh Mohammed, which owns the Jumeirah hotels brand as well as the emirate's once gung-ho private equity group, Dubai International Capital, sent a shiver through UAE markets just before the Eid al-Adha holiday last week with a statement that it was in talks with bankers to restructure its $12 billion or so of debts.

It had missed two debt repayments, and is in serious risk of a formal default. It promises a resolution by the end of this month.

As well as rescheduling, Dubai has also said it will sell assets to repay debts. Some of these will be baubles that the emirate picked up on international markets in the boom years, from the New York retailer Barneys to the Canadian entertainment group Cirque du Soleil and the cruise liner QE2.

Others possibly earmarked for disposal or flotation on international markets include the indigenous businesses built up as part of the core economic strategy: Jumeirah hotels, Emirates Airlines and the DP World ports and shipping group (which contains the old P&O business bought in 2006).

''Is Dubai going to sell the family silver to pay for its profligacy? That would be a big blow to its pride,'' said a local banker.

In particular, another branch of the UAE family might object. Abu Dhabi, the biggest emirate, which plays Washington to Dubai's New York, will want a say in the fate of these and other assets regarded as core to the UAE's global strategy. There are already plans to merge the Dubai and Abu Dhabi sharemarkets, and there has been open speculation about Abu Dhabi taking over Dubai's huge new airport, the modestly named Dubai World Central.

Perhaps the most significant change of the past year has been the relationship between Dubai and the far richer but more conservative Abu Dhabi. The capital bailed out Dubai with $US20 billion of loans at the height of the crisis. These also have to be repaid and it is likely that Abu Dhabi will ultimately want a different kind of return.

Davidson said: ''For the first time in 170 years, Dubai has lost its de facto autonomy, given that its creditor and lifeline is now oil-rich Abu Dhabi, which has clear and unashamed ambitions to centralise the UAE federation and curb any autonomous macro-economic or political activity within its borders.''

Apart from the possibility of Abu Dhabi taking over Dubai's assets, this new subservience to the capital could make itself felt in two other ways, both with serious implications for Dubai: the setting of the emirate's budgets within the overall federal financial structure; and its relationship with Iran.

If Abu Dhabi sets caps on the emirate's autonomous borrowing powers, it could hinder Dubai's ability to debt-finance its recovery; and if, at American urging, the capital forces Dubai to halt much of its trade with Iran, which is just across the Straits of Hormuz, it would seriously impair the role of Dubai as the region's commercial hub.

Iran is the UAE's biggest re-export partner, with trade worth about $US7 billion accounting for 17 per cent of its total re-exports. Most of this goes through Dubai, and its loss would be a big blow.

Dubai still has big advantages over other would-be financial capitals in the Gulf: the region's best infrastructure, the most liberal and cosmopolitan environment of any Gulf state and a dynamic can-do ethos compared with that of other Arab countries.

But a year of living dangerously has changed all the previous assumptions. Now Dubai is getting back to basics, but with more uncertainties and less self-confidence than ever.

Wilileaks tells us what we already knew

29 November 2010

The United States appears to be at the center of a diplomatic crisis with the leaking to the Guardian and other international media of more than 250,000 classified cables from its embassies, many sent as recently as February this year.

Is this a crisis. No. But some of the diplomatic cables and less than diplomatic. It also shows how hard it is to protect electronic databases of information.

Is it right to publish: The Guardian asked should a newspaper disclose virtually all a nation's secret diplomatic communication, illegally downloaded by one of its citizens? Its answer was that:

"The reporting in the Guardian of the first of a selection of 250,000 US state department cables marks a recasting of modern diplomacy. Clearly, there is no longer such a thing as a safe electronic archive, whatever computing's snake-oil salesmen claim. No organisation can treat digitised communication as confidential. An electronic secret is a contradiction in terms.

Anything said or done in the name of a democracy is, prima facie, of public interest. When that democracy purports to be "world policeman" – an assumption that runs ghostlike through these cables – that interest is global. Nonetheless, the Guardian had to consider two things in abetting disclosure, irrespective of what is anyway published by WikiLeaks. It could not be party to putting the lives of individuals or sources at risk, nor reveal material that might compromise ongoing military operations or the location of special forces.

In this light, two backup checks were applied. The US government was told in advance the areas or themes covered, and "representations" were invited in return. These were considered. Details of "redactions" were then shared with the other four media recipients of the material and sent to WikiLeaks itself, to establish, albeit voluntarily, some common standard.

The state department knew of the leak several months ago and had ample time to alert staff in sensitive locations. Its pre-emptive scaremongering over the weekend stupidly contrived to hint at material not in fact being published. Nor is the material classified top secret, being at a level that more than 3 million US government employees are cleared to see, and available on the defence department's internal Siprnet. Such dissemination of "secrets" might be thought reckless, suggesting a diplomatic outreach that makes the British empire seem minuscule.

The revelations do not have the startling, coldblooded immediacy of the WikiLeaks war logs from Iraq and Afghanistan, with their astonishing insight into the minds of fighting men seemingly detached from the ethics of war. The disclosures are largely of analysis and high-grade gossip. Insofar as they are sensational, it is in showing the corruption and mendacity of those in power, and the mismatch between what they claim and what they do... Clearly, it is for governments, not journalists, to protect public secrets. Were there some overriding national jeopardy in revealing them, greater restraint might be in order. There is no such overriding jeopardy, except from the policies themselves as revealed. Where it is doing the right thing, a great power should be robust against embarrassment."

For the New York Times:

"But the more important reason to publish these articles is that the cables tell the unvarnished story of how the government makes its biggest decisions, the decisions that cost the country most heavily in lives and money. They shed light on the motivations — and, in some cases, duplicity — of allies on the receiving end of American courtship and foreign aid. They illuminate the diplomacy surrounding two current wars and several countries, like Pakistan and Yemen, where American military involvement is growing. As daunting as it is to publish such material over official objections, it would be presumptuous to conclude that Americans have no right to know what is being done in their name."

Politicians and diplomats are up in arms; largely because they have been caught with their hands in the cookie jar:

Italy's foreign minister, Franco Frattini, has rather colourfully described the embassy cables as "the September 11th of world diplomacy". Speaking on a visit to Qatar, he was quoted as saying that the information would "blow up the relationship of trust between states".

The US ambassador to the UK, Louis Susman, caught biting the hand that feeds him, has issued this tough statement."Releasing documents of this kind place at risk the lives of innocent individuals – from journalists to human rights activists and bloggers to soldiers and diplomats. It is reprehensible for any individual or organization to attempt to gain notoriety at the expense of people who had every expectation of privacy in sharing information."

The state department condemned WikiLeaks for the release of classified material and said that the release will place lives and interests at risk.

The state department's legal adviser has written to Wikileaks founder Julian Assange and his London lawyer, warning that the cables were obtained illegally and that publication would place at risk "the lives of countless innocent individuals … ongoing military operations … and cooperation between countries".

Cables from the US embassy in Bangkok have not yet been released though there is nothing more recent than February 2010 which must come as a relief to the Thai government. Although there probably are cables about the succession issue. The Thai media will not dare cover this!

The archive of cables are a historical treasure trove. And a diplomat's nightmare! What did we learn:

1. Arab leaders were privately urging an air strike on Iran. King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia urged the United States to attack Iran to destroy its nuclear programme.One memo showed that the king told the United States to "cut off the head of the snake," and said that working with Washington to roll back Iranian influence in Iraq was "a strategic priority for the king and his government."

Some of the middle east cables are very revealing; and what is said privately is very different to the public message of Arab unity. Arab governments won't know how to react now that Wikileaks is exposing their dual positions regarding Iran, Israel and other Arab states. And the muzzled Arab media will be very measured in their coverage.

2. US officials have been instructed to spy on the UN's leadership.

3. That the US and the UK had grave fears over the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons programme

4. The cables allege links between the Russian government and organised crime......(really - is the world round!)

5. The US was very critical of the UK's military operations in Afghanistan.

6. Their are claims of inappropriate behaviour by a member of the British royal family...(again, why would this be a surprise!)

7. China’s Politburo directed the intrusion into Google’s computer systems in that country, a Chinese contact told the American Embassy in Beijing in January, one cable reported. The Google hacking was part of a coordinated campaign of computer sabotage carried out by government operatives, private security experts and Internet outlaws recruited by the Chinese government. They have broken into American government computers and those of Western allies, the Dalai Lama and American businesses since 2002, cables said.

8. American diplomats in Rome reported in 2009 on what their Italian contacts described as an extraordinarily close relationship between Vladimir V. Putin, the Russian prime minister, and Silvio Berlusconi, the Italian prime minister and business magnate, including “lavish gifts,” lucrative energy contracts and a “shadowy” Russian-speaking Italian go-between.

9. The close relationship between the USA and the UK will be damaged by some of the dispatches from the London embassy of the US will make uncomfortable reading in Whitehall and Westminster. They range from serious political criticisms of David Cameron to requests for specific intelligence about individual MPs.

In totality the cables contain specific allegations of corruption and against foreign leaders, as well as harsh criticism by US embassy staff of their host governments, from tiny islands in the Caribbean to China and Russia. But they will not reveal much that we do not already know of suspect about international leaders: some examples - there is a reference to Vladimir Putin as an "alpha-dog", Hamid Karzai as being "driven by paranoia" and Angela Merkel allegedly "avoids risk and is rarely creative". There is also a comparison between Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Adolf Hitler.

The cables name countries involved in financing terror groups, and describe a near "environmental disaster" last year over a rogue shipment of enriched uranium. They disclose technical details of secret US-Russian nuclear missile negotiations in Geneva, and include a profile of Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, who they say is accompanied everywhere by a "voluptuous blonde" Ukrainian nurse....again just one!

The big issue for Washington is that it now faces a difficult task in convincing contacts around the world that any future conversations will remain confidential.

The electronic archive of embassy dispatches from around the world was allegedly downloaded by a US soldier earlier this year and passed to WikiLeaks which has then made them available to the Guardian and four other newspapers: the New York Times, Der Spiegel in Germany, Le Monde in France and El País in Spain. All five plan to publish extracts from the most significant cables, but have decided neither to "dump" the entire dataset into the public domain, nor to publish names that would endanger innocent individuals. WikiLeaks says that, contrary to the state department's fears, it also initially intends to post only limited cable extracts, and to redact identities.

How secure was this information - apparently more than 3 million US government personnel and soldiers, many extremely junior, are cleared to have potential access to this material, even though the cables contain the identities of foreign informants, often sensitive contacts in dictatorial regimes. Some are marked "protect" or "strictly protect".

But the fact that 3million people could see these documents puts them in the public domain already. So why the surprise and shock at their release? The US argues that since the attacks of 9/11, the US government has taken significant steps to facilitate information sharing. These efforts were focused on giving diplomatic, military, law enforcement and intelligence specialists quicker and easier access to more data to more effectively do their jobs.

So why the fuss only now - when it was as long ago as the spring that 22-year-old intelligence analyst Bradley Manning was charged with leaking many of these cables, along with a gun-camera video of an Apache helicopter crew mistakenly killing two Reuters news agency employees in Baghdad in 2007, which was subsequently posted by WikiLeaks. Manning is facing a court martial. Hopefully Reuters will help with the defence costs.

Asked why such sensitive material was posted on a network accessible to thousands of government employees, the state department spokesman told the Guardian: "The 9/11 attacks and their aftermath revealed gaps in intra-governmental information sharing. "

He added: "We have been taking aggressive action in recent weeks and months to enhance the security of our systems and to prevent the leak of information."

The biggest revelations may in fact impact the Arab nations - where the reality of Gulf relations can no longer be denied. How will Iran respond to such naked Arab hostility puncturing diplomatic niceties?

Nothing earth shattering; some high quality gossip; some embarrassing revelations; some diplomatic discomfort.

But really these documents confirm what we already suspected.

The question we do need answered is who was the misbehaving royal and what did he do ?

Abhisit's last days?

29 November 2010

Hated by the reds - regarded with contempt by the yellows; Thailand's puppet Prime Minister looks like he will not be in power for much longer. Maybe not past today.

At 2pm today what is left of the constitutional court will pass judgment on whether the Democrats misused state funds in its political campaigns. The ruling Democrat Party made its closing argument this morning.Mr. Abhisit and party leaders have denied any wrongdoing.

The arguments are summarised in a graphic in the Nation newspaper which you can read here.

It is unclear which way the court will lean. It may decide to ban some party executives from politics for a maximum of five years while leaving the Democrat Party intact. The party is also accused of receiving an undeclared political contribution. The court also may choose to ban top politicians such as Mr. Abhisit and dissolve the party, or it may choose to take no action at all.

Thailand's recent political turmoil will likely weigh heavily on the outcome of the case, and the verdict could trigger more tension in this already-divided nation.

One potential outcome is that Deputy Prime Minister for security affairs, Suthep Thaugsuban, would be made acting prime minister if Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is banned from politics following the dissolution of the ruling party.

Another verdict may be a high score draw. There should be nine judges. There are now only six. A hung vote is very possible. Three of the judges have stood down after taking legal action in respect of video clips released in YouTube which allege irregularities in the court's handling of the dissolution case and the court's recruitment process for its staff.

No embarrassed resignations from these judges; just a legal case in the Criminal Court suing people that they allege are responsible for the release of the videos. Apparently caught red handed the judges sue the messenger. It is an interesting response.

The country's judicial system is accused by the Democrat Party's political opponents of being biased in favor of Mr. Abhisit's party, which broadly represents the country's traditional ruling establishment. Since a military coup ousted former populist leader Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006, the same court has taken action to bring down two populist governments and have outlawed two pro-Thaksin parties, Thai Rak Thai and the People Power Party.

One pro-Thaksin prime minister, the late Samak Sundaravej, was removed in 2008 for receiving token payments to appear on a television cooking show. Another government led by Mr. Thaksin's brother-in-law fell later that year after the Constitutional Court convicted it of electoral violations, enabling the rival Democrat Party to put together a new coalition government.

Political analysts say a court verdict to dissolve the Democrats could go a long way to easing opposition criticism about the political and judicial system being rigged in the establishment's favor.

However, dissolution likely means “the military will simply oversee another shotgun marriage of disparate political interests in a new coalition government,” PSA Asia, a Bangkok-based security and risk consulting company, said in a report today.

While Democrat leaders publicly say they have no contingency plan to cope with an adverse court verdict and expect to be exonerated, Thai observers suggest Democrat authorities have already set up a smaller party to absorb Democrat politicians and stay on as head of the ruling coalition in the event that the Democrat Party is dissolved.

Still, Thailand's powerful armed forces, which helped put the ruling coalition government together, would be taking a substantial risk by allowing such a political realignment take place, analysts say. Mr. Thaksin's supporters in the opposition might gather fresh momentum amid the confusion and refocus their challenge to the government, six months after a series of violent clashes between antigovernment protesters and troops on the streets of Bangkok earlier this year.

At least 91 people were killed in that conflict, badly tarnishing the country's international reputation and cementing deep divisions in a country badly polarized by its mostly-urban middle class and bureaucratic and military elites on one hand, and a mostly rural opposition bloc who support Mr. Thaksin and are lobbying for a greater say in how Thailand is run.
 

One year on - Dubai begins to rebuild

28 November 2010 The Independent

Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, the ruler of Dubai, had a dream to create a city rivalling the finest in Islamic history, and spearheaded one of the most extraordinary building drives in recent memory.

Then, a year ago, one of the emirate's biggest conglomerates admitted it was struggling to pay its creditors, and it all came crashing down.

Twelve months on, signs of cautious optimism are emerging. Rodney Wilson, a professor at the Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at Durham University, said: "Dubai had grandiose ambitions that verged on the surreal. Reality has set in now. They are not out of the woods but things look a lot better."

The emirate's government is believed to be preparing a $1.5bn Islamic bond to issue to Malaysian investors. This comes just months after its $1.2bn sovereign bond was fully taken up, in what was its first credit market activity since last November. Turker Hamzaoglu, the chief Europe, Middle East and Africa economist at Bank of America Merrill Lynch, said: "The market now believes things are getting better; we expect Dubai to issue more bonds."

Signs of a slowdown in Dubai's real estate market emerged in the middle of 2008. Yet it was an announcement on the eve of Eid al-Adha, a three-day Muslim holiday, that sent shockwaves around the global markets, prompting fears of sovereign debt default well before such talk hit Europe. Dubai World, a state-backed conglomerate, revealed that it had been unable to service its debts and had asked its creditors for a six-month grace period to get its house in order. While the problem of its $25bn debts was a commercial one, the company's close links with Dubai's ruling family immediately raised fears over the state of the emirate's finances, and whether it would default on its Islamic bond payments.

The news sent investor confidence in Dubai to an all time low and when its exchange re-opened after the holiday, the index slumped 7 per cent.

The shock announcement also raised questions over the emirate's lack of transparency, the strength of its governance controls and the relationship between the government and state-backed companies.

Sheikh Maktoum's father started plans to offset Dubai's lack of oil or natural gas by establishing a trading centre for the Middle East in the 1950s. His son's plans were more ambitious still, aiming to create a thriving financial services industry and a glamorous tourist destination. These plans included the development of Burj Khalifa, the tallest building in the world, and the Palm Islands, three artificial islands shaped like palm trees. Last year, Jim Krane, author of Dubai: The Story of the World's Fastest City, said: "When you start building a third island shaped like a palm tree, intending it to be as big and crowded as Manhattan, you are crying out for a sober voice to bark: Stop." The roots of last year's crisis came from Dubai's heavy borrowing from abroad to fund its staggering infrastructure programme.

The problems at Dubai World a year ago came from its property arm Nakheed, which was unable to service its bonds. Yet the real estate boom had already slowed, with property prices spiralling down by more than 70 per cent. Some believe prices will fall further. More than 400 projects were cancelled, and the third palm island was put on ice.

After the debt crisis hit, the International Monetary Fund downgraded its forecast for Dubai. The rating agency Standard & Poor's followed as it downgraded five state-backed companies to below investment grade.

Dubai's oil-rich neighbour Abu Dhabi stepped in with a $20bn bailout package, and it succeeded in bringing stability back to the troubled emirate. Mr Hamzaoglu said there were no longer fears that Dubai would default, and the belief was that it would will "muddle through". Analysts at Citi have estimated that the economy will grow 1.6 per cent this year.

There are still significant issues facing Dubai. BofA Merrill Lynch estimated that its loans and guarantees amounted to $150bn, $18bn of which need servicing next year.

Dubai has also suffered as all the pillars supporting its economy have been damaged in the downturn. Not just real estate and financial services, but trade, tourism and shipping have all struggled. Sheikh Maktoum is now concentrating on several key industries – including transport, retail and tourism – to drive the recovery.

One of the main problems brought on by the crisis was more intangible. Jim Krane said: "There is still an air of shame." Another big consequence, he said, was that the loss of autonomy to its neighbouring emirate had damaged the state. "Abu Dhabi has more leverage now, and that is hurting Dubai's recovery. The bail-out has cost it dearly"

Yet investors are certainly more upbeat despite the black clouds. Rob Lay, head of Europe, Middle East, and North Africa for Barings Asset Management, said: "Last year's events were a real shock, especially as it was the first time in the region." Yet appetite is back, and Barings opened a Dubai office last month. "Clients have moved beyond it. Last year was a painful process but confidence is returning and last year is increasingly seen as a blip," Mr Lay said. His optimism was reflected by the reception of the emirate's recent bond issue.

Mr Krane said: "The wild predictions from the West never came to pass. The infrastructure is there and it is a better proposition than a year ago. It still offers the best lifestyle and social freedoms and amenities in the region. Dubai stumbled badly and needs to reset its course, but this is still its game to lose."

Dubai in numbers

$112bn The total value of Dubai's debt, according to estimates from Barclays Capital. The figure equates to 140 per cent of its gross domestic product.

$31bn The debt that is due to mature in 2011 and 2012, excluding borrowing that Dubai has already arranged to restructure. Some $16bn is due next year alone.

11% The contribution of Dubai's property sector to its GDP this year, down from 14 per cent last year and 17 per cent in 2008.

-2.5% Dubai's economic growth rate during 2009, compared to an expansion of 5.7 per cent in 2008. HSBC thinks the figure this year will be 2 per cent, rising to 4 per cent in 2011.

Tiger Woods's Dubai dream evaporates in the desert

28 November 2010 - extracted from The Observer

The decline and fall of "brand Tiger Woods" is a story best told by a journey, along the Emirates Road to the south of Dubai and then left and down an unmarked road.

Drive for a mile over the speed bumps, past an abandoned security hut, until Tarmac becomes gravel and then another mile until the gravel becomes sand, and there it is: The Tiger Woods Dubai. The first golf course in world designed by the man many consider, or at least considered, the greatest ever to play the game.

Read the three-year-old press releases and gasp at the numbers. Fifty-five million square feet. Two hundred "residences" – £7m villas, £10m mansions and "palaces". A boutique hotel, a spa and a Michelin-starred restaurant. And then the centrepiece: the Al Ruwaya Golf Club. Eleven thousand imported trees; 22m cubic meters of earth to be moved; and 3m square feet of water. An 18-hole masterpiece hewn from the sand. All hail the winner of "best golf development" at the 2008 Arabian Properties Awards. Estimated total cost on completion: $1.1bn.

Now gasp at the tumbleweed reality on the morning of 27 November 2010, the first anniversary of the car crash that led to the world's richest and most famous athlete falling to earth. The Tiger Woods Dubai: a dust-bowl, an empty car park, an "Arabian palace" as real as a Hollywood film set.

Like so much else in post-boom Dubai, the palace is a facade, propped up by wooden beams. Behind it lies a collection of portable cabins that in the glory days of the economic boom served as a sales office. These days the salesmen have gone, to be replaced by a handful of cleaners and maintenance staff trying to keep alive what is left of the $1.1bn fantasy.

There is not much; a scale model of the proposed development in one of the rooms, some dusty furniture and a telephone long disconnected. What has happened to Tiger Woods Dubai? "No comment. I don't know,'' said a Dubai-based spokesman for IMG, the sports agency that represents Woods around the world, while repeated attempts to contact the Dubai Properties Group, the government-controlled company that now owns the development, are met with no response.

Six holes have been completed and the outline of 12 more are in place, all behind a fenced-off compound hidden away from public view. Ghostly fairways lined by 3,000 trees, with 8,000 more stored under canvas. Will the project ever be finished? "Who knows? It could be great if it ever gets finished, but we don't know if it will ever get finished," says one member of the staff. "They better make a decision soon because we are struggling to keep the desert at bay."

The urgency is understandable. It takes one million gallons of water a month to keep the vegetation alive – an inconsequential financial indulgence in 2008 but an unsustainable loss in these straightened times. There are options. Either abandon Tiger Woods Dubai to nature, or turn it into an exclusive golf retreat for high-rollers brought in from the downtown palaces such as the £1,500-a-night Burj al Arab. A decision is expected before February, when Woods will arrive here to play in the Dubai Desert Classic. The smart money around town is on the return to nature. After all what use is a billionaires playground when there are no billionaires?

"Why Dubai?" said Tiger Woods when asked why he had chosen to build his first golf course design in the Emirates, thousands of miles from his home in Florida and a world away from the Old Course at St Andrews, the links lay‑out designed and built by nature he has always described as his golfing lodestar. "Dubai is basically in the biggest, greatest and newest of everything."

Maybe so, but we can assume that money played a hugely significant part in the decision. Neither Woods nor his people ever discuss the vulgar subject of money, but no one in the business of golf has ever confused this reticence with modesty. In the era of the global sporting superstar, Woods was bigger than anyone. He worked hard to attain that status, was proud of it and was well aware of its worth. How much was he paid to put his name and apply his expertise to the Tiger Woods Dubai?

A figure as high as $25m was bandied around when Woods came here to launch the project in the autumn of 2008. But as time passed and Dubai's property-based economy collapsed, so the numbers have been rounded downwards. "Realistically, I have heard the fee was $10m, and not all of that was up front,'' one leading sports agent said last week. "But the real big money was in the 'back end' of the deal; the royalties he would have received from the sales. That could have run into tens of millions."

Such vast sums sound outrageous today but there was a time when Dubai gloried in the obscenity of wealth. It was willing to gamble millions to attract billions, and in that context the appropriation of the Tiger Woods brand seemed like a one-way bet. And for a short period of time it was, with the then project manager Abdulla al‑Gurg claiming in the autumn of 2008 that 35% of the development's properties – some of them priced as high as £25m – had been sold. Gurg has since left, but one member of staff who has been around since the start confirms the early successes.

"The place was buzzing. You would come in here every morning and find the sales staff had put up yet another red triangle [signifying a sale] on the map. There were always potential buyers around the place, being taken out for site visits,'' he says. The first signs of trouble came at the end of 2008, as economies around the world began to crash. Dubai's was more heavily leveraged than most and as it result it crashed harder. Properties prices fell 30% in a matter of months, while the market for high-end developments such as the Tiger Woods Dubai simply vanished.

In March 2009, it was quietly announced the scheduled opening date for the real estate side of the development had been pushed back. "We are prioritising the golfing components – the course, the clubhouse and the academy," Gurg said.

Three month's later, guardian.co.uk revealed the golf course itself was being delayed until 2010, prompting Woods into an embarrassing public loss of face. "The delay is six months as of right now,'' he said. "Obviously, the economy has turned over there and they've slowed down construction because of it. The economy needs to turn around. If it gets stimulated, we can pick up to the point where we might open earlier, but who knows? It's out of my hands."

Flying into trouble

25 November 2010 Maclean's magazine - Canada

The inside story of Canada’s fight with the United Arab Emirates and how it went so wrong

In early October, Canada’s armed forces learned they had just one month to pack up and move a key Mideast military base used to support the war in Afghanistan. Located in the United Arab Emirates, Camp Mirage has been used primarily as a transfer point for Canadian Forces flying to and from Kandahar. For the past eight years, it had provided the Forces with a safe place to land and refuel hulking Hercules transport planes while weary soldiers relaxed at a makeshift camp, complete with a ball-hockey rink.

But the desert oasis, a short drive from Dubai’s beaches and air-conditioned shopping malls, ceased to be part of the military’s operations as of Nov. 3, following a high-level spat between Ottawa and the U.A.E. over commercial airline flights between the two countries.

It was an abrupt end to a long-standing strategic relationship between the countries, and it sent the military scrambling. “It’s a pain in the ass for all these guys who are supposed to be doing other things,” says Douglas Bland, the chair of defence management studies at the School of Policy Studies at Queen’s University. “Now they have to stop, pack up and move all of this equipment.” At no small cost: by some estimates $300 million.

So why, exactly, did Canada and the U.A.E. let an argument over business destroy nearly a decade of co-operation in the war against terrorism? Ottawa insiders say Prime Minister Stephen Harper was infuriated by the U.A.E.’s decision to try to use the base as leverage in a trade dispute. But there is also evidence to suggest Air Canada was able to convince cabinet ministers that the U.A.E.’s state-backed airline, Emirates, was a major threat bent on taking over the international market—even though what was really on the table were flights to just a few major Canadian cities.

Like everything in Dubai in recent years, Emirates is the product of the government’s lofty ambitions. The airline’s jaw-dropping growth over the past two decades—it’s in the process of doubling its fleet of nearly 150 aircraft—is closely tied into efforts to make Dubai a global hub for business and tourism. Already Emirates, which flies 14 double-decker Airbus A380s and has another 76 on order, flies to every continent (except Antarctica) with a business model built on frequent flights between big hub airports like London, Frankfurt and New York.

Canada, however, has proved to be a tough nut for Emirates to crack. The airline is currently permitted just three flights a week to Toronto. And despite more than five years of heavy lobbying that won support from consumer groups and even Alberta Premier Ed Stelmach, Transport Canada has consistently rebuffed requests to give Emirates permission to offer four more flights a week to Toronto and launch daily flights to Calgary and Vancouver. “We feel the rights under the current agreement meet the current demand,” says Transport spokesperson Patrick Charette. A spokesman for Transport Minister Chuck Strahl, meanwhile, said Ottawa would monitor air travel between the two countries and make changes as warranted.

It’s not the outcome the U.A.E. had been hoping for. Officials became agitated by the “protectionist” attitude of Canadian bureaucrats earlier this year, according to industry and political sources familiar with the negotiations. So, when Canada’s rent-free lease on Camp Mirage expired in late June, sources say the U.A.E. agreed on an extension providing that Ottawa take a fresh look at the issue. An informal committee was created in July and three Canadian representatives travelled to Dubai the following month for a meeting that apparently went nowhere. “It was terrible,” said one industry source. “They flew all that way and stated that [Canada] had nothing to offer. The U.A.E. was stunned.” Another meeting took place in Paris in September. Canadian representatives brought with them a revised offer, although sources say it was actually viewed by the U.A.E. as being worse than the status quo.

Sources say that House leader John Baird was a key player when it came to setting Ottawa’s tough tone throughout the negotiations. As a former transport minister, he presided over Air Canada’s liquidity crisis in 2009, which ultimately resulted in a $250-million government loan designed to keep the airline in the black. But it was during a meeting U.A.E. officials had with Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon in late September in New York when tensions boiled over. “By all accounts it was a horrendous meeting,” says one person familiar with the U.A.E.’s approach to the talks. (Almost no one involved would speak on the record about the high-level discussions.) It was at that point that bilateral relations between the two countries broke down and it became clear there would be no more renewals of the lease on Camp Mirage, leaving the military to relocate operations to Germany and Cyprus. For his part, Cannon told Maclean’s that Canada expects to maintain a “positive” relationship with the U.A.E..

In early October, a C-17 jumbo transport carrying Defence Minister Peter MacKay (who was keen to find a resolution to the dispute), Gen. Walter Natynczyk and Veterans Affairs Minister Jean-Pierre Blackburn was denied the right to land at Camp Mirage on its way back from Afghanistan. The development was followed by rumours that Ottawa had banned cabinet ministers from flying on U.A.E.’s airlines—which government officials later denied—and a decision by the U.A.E. to require Canadians visiting the country to begin carrying visas.

It’s a resounding failure of diplomacy and trade negotiations on both sides. While it’s true, as Transport Canada suggests, that there isn’t a huge demand for travel between Canada and the U.A.E., observers say there is nevertheless a significant number of Canadians who would likely jump at the chance to use Dubai as a way to connect to destinations in the Middle East, Africa and the Indian subcontinent—regions of the world where Emirates operates an extensive network, but Air Canada doesn’t fly to directly.

Air Canada, however, convinced Ottawa that Emirates represents a mortal threat to many of its European routes—particularly from secondary Canadian cities like Ottawa, Halifax and Edmonton, which are padded with passengers who are trying to get to, say, India, but must first fly Air Canada to Frankfurt before connecting on Lufthansa, a Star Alliance partner. “What you would end up having is one or two fewer flights to London or Frankfurt out of Toronto, and no flights to Europe out of Halifax, Ottawa, Edmonton and Calgary,” said an industry insider familiar with Air Canada’s network. Of course, that assumes people in most of those cities would prefer to fly to Toronto to catch a flight on Emirates to Dubai, and then connect a third time to their final destination, as opposed to just making one connection onto Air Canada’s partners in London or Frankfurt.

Regardless, Air Canada CEO Calin Rovinescu commended Ottawa’s “backbone” for standing up to the U.A.E., arguing in a speech last week that Canada should only sign open skies agreements with countries where there is significant two-way travel. “We are not supportive of demolishing our hubs and gateways,” he said. Rovinescu has previously accused Emirates of being a foreign predator that intends to flood the Canadian market with cheap seats in a bid to steal market share, calling it “a state-owned carrier with access to virtually unlimited capital”—a charge Emirates emphatically denies.

Air Canada isn’t the only one complaining. Last month, Pierre-Henri Gourgeon, the CEO of Air France-KLM Group, told Bloomberg that Europe needed to “resist” the encroachment of Emirates and other Gulf carriers. He made the remarks prior to a meeting of the Association of European Airlines, where the heads of British Airways and Lufthansa were expected to discuss the issue further.

Still, industry observers wonder whether there was truly no middle ground between Canada and the U.A.E.. “If things had been left to run their course, I believe the U.A.E. would have come away with some enhanced access,” says Robert Kokonis, a Toronto-based airline consultant. He says the U.A.E.’s mistake was to link the issue of a military base to the dispute, a decision he argues was likely made because Emirates is under pressure to find homes for the huge number of planes that it ordered prior to the global recession. “That’s why they are taking such a bullying approach,” he says, adding that he thinks that Harper was right to take a hard line against such tactics.

But Ottawa is also partly to blame for this mess. One of the reasons Air Canada is fighting tooth and nail to keep Emirates out is because it knows it can’t compete with the Gulf carrier’s low-cost structure, which stems in part from Dubai’s decision to promote the airline industry, not treat it as a cash cow. Canadian airlines, by contrast, are saddled with steep taxes on jet fuel, security fees and an airport rent scheme that has made hubs like Toronto’s Pearson International Airport among the most expensive in the world for airlines to operate in—a criticism levelled by both Air Canada and foreign airlines alike.

What’s also being lost in the debate is what is best for consumers. Ottawa’s protectionist stance risks putting the country out of step with the rest of the world as it rapidly moves toward more open regimes that encourage competition and lower prices, and which has spawned a new generation of airlines that are eager to shake up the industry. “The world has changed,” says Andrew Parker, Emirates’ senior vice-president of public, government, and environment affairs. “It’s 1950s-era thinking that looking after a country’s flag carrier is in the national interest.” And it comes with a 21st century price tag, as our armed forces have just learned the hard way.

 

Emirates and Qantas planes '40 seconds from collision'

25 November 2010

It is strange that this story is only becoming public now Fairfax Media in Australia reports today that two passenger jets, one from Emirates and one from Qantas, narrowly avoided colliding over rural Australia on 3 September last year after an air traffic controller cleared both planes to fly at the same level, Australian media has reported.

Apparently an Emirates Boeing 777 flying from Melbourne to Singapore and a Qantas 737 flying from Sydney to Adelaide almost collided above the Victorian town of Mildura after an air traffic controller cleared both planes to fly at 30,000 feet.

The planes, carrying a combined 443 people, were on a collision course that went undetected for more than 17 minutes, according to an Australian Transport Safety Bureau investigation launched into the incident.

A report on the investigation said the planes were less than 19 kilometres apart and closing fast. The air traffic controller then attempted to contact with the Emirates pilots three times, without success, but when the gap had halved to 9.1 kilometres, he radioed the Qantas pilots to turn right and climb 1000 feet, which they did.

An aerospace engineer told Fairfax Media that, at a pace of 10 kilometres per minute, the planes were only about 40 seconds from hitting had evasive action not been taken.

Since both planes presumably had TCAS there was little chance of a collision actually happening.

Pilot fatigue debate reaches UAE media

25 November 2010

It is good to see the issue of airline crew fatigue being aired in the UAE media. I think anyone flying in and out of the Middle East needs to know that this is a concern to many pilots that fly in this region.

The following letter was published yesterday after 7Days reported the UAE's GCAA as stating that they received no fatigue based safety reports from air crew. Yet anyone connected to the industry knows that fatigue is a recurring issue in safety reports raised by cabin crew and pilots. In addition it is only a week ago that the Indian authorities blames the Air India Express crash at Mangalore on a tired pilot after a long overnight turn to Dubai.

"In 7DAYS, dated November 23, the General Civil Aviation Authority (GCAA) stated that ''pilot fatigue is a serious threat to air safety, but they have not received any complaints from airmen about being overworked''.

Surely there must be some mistake - the airline I fly for, based here in the UAE, averages about five Air Safety Reports on the issue of crew fatigue every week.
This is published data that legally has to be recorded by all airlines and one would hope, acted upon in the name of flight safety.

So what is going on? Is the company not showing these reports to the GCAA, or are the GCAA choosing not to act on them? The GCAA as airline industry regulator here has a duty to ensure UAE-based airlines operate safely, and audits companies here appropriately (one would hope).

Should we as pilots stop reporting fatigue issues, in the knowledge that neither the company nor the GCAA seems interested in doing anything about this problem?
Somehow, I feel the travelling public would not be too happy with that concept.

If the GCAA wants pilots to report safety matters directly to them via their Report Of Safety Incident (ROSI) system, then the airlines in the UAE need to ensure that their non-punitive, open door safety culture is exactly that.

Perhaps it is time for the major airlines to publicly state where they stand on the issue of fatigue and culture of safety reporting.
Name withheld
Dubai"

Emirates wish list

25 November 2010

Tim Clark, the President of Emirates Airline gave an interview in Paris this week where he urged Airbus SAS to boost the range of the biggest version of its new A350 wide-body plane as Boeing Co. ponders a redesign of the competing 777 model.

Emirates, whose outstanding orders for the 777 will make it the twin-jet’s biggest user, needs higher-capacity aircraft for its longest inter-continental routes.

Emirates has ordered 20 350-seat A350-1000s for delivery in 2015; but this model cannot reach Los Angeles non stop from Dubai in the three-class layout that Emirates prefers. The Boeing planes that it currently uses on the route are based on a less efficient 20-year-old design, with the 354-seat 777-300ER at the limits of its range, curbing the payload, and the 777-200LR limited to 266 people.

Clark said that the smallest aircraft that is useful to us needs to be 340 seats so he is looking to Airbus to realign the A350-1000 increasing both its capacity and its range.

Emirates has ordered a total of 70 A350s, including 50 of the -900 variant, which can fly 200 miles further than the -1000 but which carries only 300 people in three-class configuration. The biggest Arab airline also has options on a further 50 A350s and signed a letter of intent firming up 30 of those in 2008.

Clark also said that Emirates is equally interested in a new 777 if Boeing revamps the model enough to deliver significant savings.

With its 787 Dreamliner yet to enter service, Boeing plans to decide next year whether to commit to a full redesign for the 777 or build a new wing to boost performance, something the Chicago-based manufacturer began discussing in June 2009.

Emirates needs are for a plane that is lighter, with or without composites, and more fuel efficient. The plane would need to fly from Dubai to Los Angeles in 16 1/2 hours with a payload of 35 to 40 metric tons, compared with a maximum 30 tons today.

 Clark said Emirates could place more orders for the A350 and the 777 for use on its longest routes if the aircraft are developed to its satisfaction.

For Boeing, a revamped or all-new 777 would fill a gap in its lineup above the 290-seat Dreamliner. Emirates has about 90 777s in operation or on order, making it the model’s top user.

Airbus’s A380 superjumbo could also feature in Emirates’s reckoning on very-long-haul flights as the aircraft’s weight is gradually reduced, Clark said. The Dubai-Los Angles route is within the model’s range, according to the Airbus Website.

Emirates will introduce the A380 to Tokyo’s Narita airport as soon as next September, when it begins taking the next batch of six to nine jets, due for delivery through March 2012, the CEO said. That will take the fleet to between 21 and 24 planes.

Bookings remain “very strong” on routes already served by the A380 and show no sign of suffering from the Nov. 4 engine blowout on a Qantas Airways Ltd. plane powered by Rolls-Royce Group Plc turbines. Emirates’s superjumbos are equipped with engines from a General Electric Co.-Pratt & Whitney venture.

Among the Dead After Phnom Penh Stampede

24 November 2010 - The Atlantic

The current death toll is close to 460 and this is likely to increase.

On the board outside a Cambodian military hospital that had taken some of the nearly 400 killed in a still-unexplained stampede at Phnom Penh's annual Water Festical, all but one of the faces was identified only by a number and letter. D10 had her eyes half-open. D09 wore a striped sweater; his face was locked in a grimace. D06 and D05 had curly hair and wore pink sweatshirts-they looked like sisters. D08 had a stream of black hair fanned out beneath her, as if she were underwater.

Only D01 -- tiny, with bangs and a polka-dotted shirt -had a name: Chhan Chhorlida.

Chhorlida's brother, Chhan Kimly, hovered over a railing near the photos, keeping a close watch on his sister's frozen face. "That's my younger sibling," he repeated several times. "I'm her older brother."

Nearby, Phan Tun pushed her way to the front of the crowd to look at the photo board. She saw what she had been dreading. "Dead, dead, they're all dead!" she shrieked into a cell phone, convulsed in tears.

The morning after a massive holiday stampede that has emerged as the deadliest peacetime disaster in modern Cambodian history, thousands of families embarked today on a grim march around Phnom Penh's hospitals, scrutinizing corpses and snapshots of corpses for the faces of their children.

There were many to see: the death toll stood at 379 when authorities stopped counting at 4 pm today, with at least 750 more injured. Cambodia's prime minister, Hun Sen, said it was the country's greatest tragedy since the Khmer Rouge, which killed millions in the 1970s.

Survivors described chaos and blinding terror at the scene of the stampede, a bridge leading to a new island development, Diamond Island. The bridge, strung with fairy lights and capped with massive fake gemstones, is formally called Diamond Bridge, but city residents have already started to refer to it as Spean Khmouch: the Bridge of Ghosts.

Diamond Island itself is home to a motley collection of attractions that can look odd to Westerners, but have come to captivate Cambodians over the past few months. In a country that claims only two playgrounds and a handful of movie theaters, the island's merry-go-rounds, ersatz Greco-Roman pergolas, ice sculptures, and electric light shows draw large crowds.

The island was packed with visitors on Monday, the last night of Cambodia's annual Water Festival, which serves the same function here as Bartholomew Fair might have in 17th-century England. Simply put: everyone comes.

This is still a nation largely made up of small-scale, far-flung rural farmers. But during the three-day festival, seemingly all of them make their way to the city. They pack themselves into convoys of makeshift trucks and trailers, often squeezing 10 or 20 to a car, doing anything and everything possible to get to the bright lights of Phnom Penh.

Many villagers spend the whole holiday camped on the banks of the Tonle Sap and Mekong Rivers watching the boat races, fireworks and pop concerts of the festival, which celebrates the end of the rainy season and the beginning of the rice harvest.

The population of Phnom Penh swells by around 3 million people during these three days, but city officials don't keep close tabs on this figure, and police rarely seem willing or able to control the crowds. They routinely accept bribes to let vehicles past roadblocks into the city's riverside area.

The crowds in Phnom Penh for Water Festival can be terrifying, almost beastlike. They often seem to move as a single body, flouting traffic laws, taking over entire boulevards, colonizing parks and pagodas, leaving massive piles of debris in their wake. That annual mayhem reached what may have been its inevitable conclusion on Monday night.

Survivors spoke of a mob packed so tight it was as if their limbs were glued together, of lying crushed beneath piles of bodies for more than four hours before rescue came. Although the timeline of events is still sketchy -- partly because it took emergency responders almost an hour to fight their way through the throngs to get to the scene -- many on the bridge reported feeling electric shocks just before the panic, or having seen others get shocked. Some said police had shocked them with batons; others said that shoddy wiring on the bridge's decorative lights had shocked them after police doused them with water.

Police have vehemently denied all these claims, and the government has mounted a vigorous response to the disaster, anticipating political backlash and serious questions over its handling of the festival's logistics. It immediately set up three committees to deal with the stampede and offered $1,200 -- a small fortune here -- to each victim's family. Even Hun Sen, a strongman who has held power here for most of the past three decades, publicly apologized.

But this was small consolation to today's mourners.

At the hospital's photograph board, Phan Tun recognized her niece, who she said had gone to Diamond Island with a cousin.

"They should not have died," she said through tears. They are young. It is the first and the most terrible and massive amount of death I've ever seen before."

Behind her, a line of people filed silently into the hospital's makeshift morgue to look for their dead. Inside, two barefoot corpses lay on the floor, a bunch of bananas and a bundle of smoldering incense set out as offerings at their feet.

Eight other bodies lay in another room, a heap of empty bottles of formaldehyde on the floor. Chheang Nhil, a medic, was injecting the preservative into each corpse so they wouldn't decompose in the tropical heat, and stuffing their mouths and noses with wads of cotton.

At Calmette Hospital, one of the city's biggest, desperate family members peered through flaps in a tent set up in the courtyard that served as a morgue for the 140 corpses that had been brought there.

Sam Pov, 43, was hovering above the body of his sister-in-law, 18-year-old Sann Ra. He displayed her national ID card and a portrait of her bright, eager face, framed by a pair of turquoise earrings. The girl's mother stood to one side, weeping wildly. Mr. Pov said both of Ra's parents had attempted suicide by jumping into the river after they discovered their daughter was dead.

Next to Ra's family, Nget Sokhoeurn kept vigil over the body of his 15-year-old nephew, Lanh Tou. He had placed a scrap of Cambodian ritual fabric over the boy's face and a bowl of rice porridge at his feet.

"I am hoping my nephew's dead soul is not going to become a hungry ghost," he explained. "The fabric is to offer him magic to go to a happy and new life."

Doctors at the hospital reported many cases of shock, severe bruising and bone fractures, especially from those who had tried to jump off the bridge in panic. Calmette was clearly struggling to handle the sudden influx of wounded, and dozens were sprawled on mats in corridors, many of them too weary or shocked to speak.

At another hospital, the emergency ward was filled with 49 survivors, twice as many anxious relatives, and the sickly-sweet fumes of ponlei, a traditional herbal remedy. In the hospital's dirt courtyard,139 corpses were being identified, packed into military trucks, and sent off en masse to their home provinces. By 1 pm, five trucks had already departed and bodies were being packed into a sixth. The hospital had the air of a bus station.

"Kompong Cham province, Kompong Cham, Kompong Cham, Kompong Cham!" authorities barked into megaphones as families waiting by bodybags began to line up and heave their corpses onto the truck.

"I don't want to cry, but I can't stop," said Chea Phearun, a heavily tattooed soldier who was mopping his eyes with his shirt. "I cannot curb my tears. The tears drop because I feel so sorry to see the bodies of a nephew and two nieces lying along here. ... They should not have died. They should have been able to grow up to lead and help their country."

Outside the hospitals, the city's streets were quieter than usual. Near the Bridge of Ghosts, which was still carpeted with the scattered shoes of the dead, crowds gathered to mourn and speculate. Many stared in disbelief, standing on motorbikes to get a better look at the empty bridge.

"This bridge should be knocked down," said 47-year-old Soum Bunna. "It has bad memories for people. A terrible thing occurred there. I used to cross it all the time, but now I don't want to cross again. I don't even want to say the name anymore."

 

Second blast ends all hope

24 November 2010

Police have confirmed there was an explosion at the Pike River coal mine on the West Coast today and they believe there is no chance of any of the 29 miners survived.

Families of the miners were told in Greymouth this afternoon there was an explosion at 2.37pm, bigger than last Friday's, and all hope was now lost.

Very sad. Families need answers - they believe the recovery effort was too slow. And a full investigation of what triggered the first explosion is needed.

Kuwait bans digital slrs

23 Septmebr 2010

It is not a country that I have much interest in visiting. And if I did visit,  I would have to leave my camera behind. As photographers in Kuwait are now facing a ban on the use of larger digital cameras in public places, according to a local media report.

Three government ministries in the Gulf state have outlawed the use of "digital SLR" (single lens reflex) cameras in public for all citizens except accredited journalists, according to the Kuwait Times.

The Ministry of Information, the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Ministry of Finance implemented the ban late last week, according to the English-language newspaper. Smaller digital cameras and mobile phones are understood to be exempt from the ban.

The government has yet to issue a statement on the reported ban.

The Kuwait Times reports: "What most Kuwaiti photographers have come to wonder is how such a decision could be reached by authorities, especially considering digital cameras and cell phone cameras have the same abilities.

Digital SLR cameras may have been targeted as "big black camera[s] tend to worry people", the newspaper said. "Taking a picture of a stranger would seem like much less of an issue if you were using a more discreet camera or even a cell phone."

All Kuwait news media must obtain licences from the Ministry of Information, which regulates the publishing industry. A 2010 report on press freedom by campaign group Reporters without Borders gave Kuwait the top ranking among all Gulf states in terms of the freedom of its newspapers, despite the convictions of a number of high-profile bloggers in recent years.

Mohamed Abdel Qader Al-Jassem, a lawyer and prominent blogger, was jailed in Kuwait City on Monday evening after being found guilty of "attacking national unity" and defaming the prime minister.
 

One year on

23 November 2010 - The Guardian

"Dubai will never be the same again. The tourists will still fill Jumeirah's golden beaches, the traffic will speed dangerously along Sheikh Zayed Road, the hedonistic bars and night clubs will still pulsate into the early hours.

But the past year has utterly changed the ethos of the glitzy Gulf emirate. The crisis that exploded a year ago has dealt a serious blow to Dubai's self-confidence and its grandiose plans to be the Middle East's financial capital.

The events triggered by what is known locally as 25/11
(ed - curious - I have never heard that term used in Dubai!) – the date on which Dubai World, the heavily indebted conglomerate, told its creditors that it could not repay about $25bn (£15.6bn) of debts as planned – will continue to have profound effects on the economic, financial and political character of the emirate.

Dubai will recover, and may even in time regain some of its swagger, but it will be a long process and the emirate that emerges at the other end will not be the same brash millionaires' playground it was in early 2007.

In February of that year, Dubai's hubris was at its peak. Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, its ruler, forecast that by 2015, Dubai would be "an Arab city of global significance, rivalling Córdoba and Baghdad". That his benchmarks were the two urban jewels of Muslim culture at the height of the medieval Islamic empire demonstrated the scale of the ambition.

The financial crisis has dashed that vision forever. The strategy was predicated on annual growth in gross domestic product of 13.5% a year – always an ambitious target but now in the realms of fantasy.

Simon Williams, chief Middle East economist at HSBC, believes that GDP for the United Arab Emirates as a whole (Dubai is just one emirate out of seven making up the federation) fell by nearly 2.9% in 2009, and will rise by a modest 2% this year and 4.1% next. Given that most of that will be led by the oil-rich capital Abu Dhabi, it is likely that Dubai's growth will be negative this year and flat in 2011 – not the stuff of Islamic imperial dreams.

"Although Dubai's recession is probably over, we fear the economy will struggle to regain momentum this year and into 2011," Williams said. "The emirate continues to be weighed down by the excesses of earlier years."

Others are even more pessimistic. Christopher Davidson, reader in Middle East politics at Durham University and author of a study of Dubai, said: "Dubai is still very much in the midst of its crisis, as its decade-long misadventure into real estate still has a good few years to play out due to much more supply hitting the market and much more debt reservicing."

The Dubai real estate boom was fuelled by the government's decision to allow foreigners to own property in the emirate in 2002. The explosion in property prices that followed reached its peak in early 2008, when some apartment and villa prices were appreciating 10% in a week. For a country without significant reserves of oil in an energy-rich region, property became Dubai's equivalent of the black gold, driving economic growth.

Those days will probably never return. JP Morgan, the US investment bank, recently forecast that property prices would continue to fall until they bottomed out at 80% below 2008 levels. The fall is currently estimated at 50%-60% of those values. There is more pain to come in Dubai property.
(ed- the fact is arriving in Dubai and and no one can upgrade because they cannot sell existing properties).

More than half of the near-1,000 real estate projects in the emirate have been cancelled, according to government statistics. Some of the big prestige developments – such as the tallest building in the world, the Burj Khalifa – have been completed or are still in progress but the bread-and-butter projects of the construction industry have been shut down. Orders for cranes, which once dominated the city's skyline, have fallen 40%.

With property in the doldrums, Maktoum has had to rethink the strategy. Now, according to the government's revised plan, the focus will be on those core activities that made Dubai a thriving commercial hub before the cheap-credit property boom: transport and logistics, the re-export business, retailing, leisure and tourism.

The role of the financial services industry in this new scheme is uncertain. If the bust of 25/11 was sparked by property, its most obvious effects were apparent in the financial sector. Overnight, liquidity dried up and credit was almost impossible to find. Credit default swap prices soared to Icelandic levels. Banks that had lavished borrowings on Dubai's corporations in the good years prepared for the inevitable hit to their balance sheets.

Dubai World's decision to appoint a chief restructuring officer (CRO) – the British accountant Aidan Birkett, hired from Deloittes – showed the interdependence between property and finance. Many of the conglomerate's big liabilities were contained within its Nakheel subsidiary, the developer of the manmade islands that include Palm Jumeirah and other "lifestyle waterside developments", which came to symbolise the emirate's brashness.

Birkett, a plain-speaking Geordie with experience of some of the biggest corporate collapses in recent British history, saw the link between property and finance early on. "Fix Nakheel, and you go a long way to fixing Dubai real estate; fix real estate, and you fix Dubai," he said.

Birkett's strategy was largely successful in persuading Dubai World's banks to play ball. Appointed on 25 November last year, by May he had secured the agreement of a majority of creditors, and in October he was able to quit the CRO role with his job done and 100% of creditors signed up to the rescheduled repayment plan for its $25bn liabilities.

But Dubai is far from out of the woods. The Dubai World debts will now be repaid in five to eight years, at lower interest rates, but those repayments still have to be met. By any measure, the emirate still has a mountain of debt.

The International Monetary Fund estimates its total indebtedness at $110bn, including the debts of central government, government-related companies such as Dubai World, and other corporations. This is about 140% of GDP – putting the emirate above Greece and Ireland in the world debt league.

Compounding Dubai's problems, much of this debt falls due in the short to medium term. Some $24bn is repayable between now and the third quarter of 2012, suggesting that a raft of restructurings – smaller than Dubai World but still onerous – are likely soon.

Dubai Holding, the conglomerate owned personally by Sheikh Mohammed, which owns the Jumeirah hotels brand as well as the emirate's once gung-ho private equity group, Dubai International Capital, sent a shiver through UAE markets just before the Eid al-Adha holiday last week with a statement that it was in talks with bankers to restructure its $12bn or so of debts. It had missed two big debt repayments, and is in serious risk of a formal default. It promises a resolution by the end of this month.

As well as rescheduling, Dubai has also said it will sell assets to repay debts. Some of these will be baubles that the emirate picked up on international markets in the boom years, from the New York retailer Barneys to the Canadian entertainment group Cirque du Soleil and the cruise-liner QE2.

Others possibly earmarked for disposal or flotation on international markets include the indigenous businesses built up as part of the core economic strategy: Jumeirah hotels, Emirates Airlines and the DP World ports and shipping group (which contains the old P&O business bought in 2006).

"Is Dubai going to sell the family silver to pay for its profligacy? That would be a big blow to its pride," said a local banker.

In particular, another branch of the UAE family might object. Abu Dhabi, the biggest emirate, which plays Washington to Dubai's New York, will want a say in the fate of these and other assets regarded as core to the UAE's global strategy. There are already plans to merge the Dubai and Abu Dhabi stock markets, and there has been open speculation about Abu Dhabi taking over Dubai's huge new airport, the modestly named Dubai World Central.

Perhaps the most significant change of the past year has been the relationship between Dubai and the far richer but more conservative Abu Dhabi. The capital bailed out Dubai with $20bn of loans at the height of the crisis. These also have to be repaid and it is likely that Abu Dhabi will ultimately want a different kind of return.

Davidson said: "For the first time in 170 years, Dubai has lost its de facto autonomy, given that its creditor and lifeline is now oil-rich Abu Dhabi, which has clear and unashamed ambitions to centralise the UAE federation and curb any autonomous macroeconomic or political activity within its borders."

Apart from the possibility of Abu Dhabi taking over Dubai's assets, this new subservience to the capital could make itself felt in two other ways, both with serious implications for Dubai: the setting of the emirate's budgets within the overall federal financial structure; and its relationship with Iran.

If Abu Dhabi set caps on the emirate's autonomous borrowing powers, it could hinder Dubai's ability to debt-finance its recovery; and if, at American urging, the capital forces Dubai to halt much of its trade with Iran, which is just across the Straits of Hormuz, it would seriously impair the role of Dubai as the region's commercial hub.

Iran is the UAE's biggest re-export partner, with trade worth about $7bn accounting for 17% of its total re-exports. Most of this goes through Dubai, and its loss would be a big blow, both financially and culturally.

Dubai still has big advantages over other would-be financial capitals in the Gulf: the region's best infrastructure, the most liberal and cosmopolitan environment of any Gulf state and a dynamic can-do ethos compared with that of other Arab countries.

But a year of living dangerously has changed all the previous assumptions. Now Dubai is getting back to basics, but with more uncertainties and less self-confidence than ever."
 

Missing the point

22 November 2010

In Bangkok in the last month, three constitutional judges were caught on film meeting with the Privy Council chairman to discuss the Tory dissolution case. They were then filmed discussing favoured court appointments.

Despite TV and news coverage the three judges do not seem to think they have done anything wrong. They would have resigned in any country where the rule of law works

Instead the three Constitution Court judges filed a lawsuit today with the Criminal Court against two people and a newspaper for defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act over video clips which were released on YouTube, allegedly with the intention of ruining their reputations.

Maybe a better way to help their reputation is to tell the truth, say you were misled and that lessons have been learned.

Named defendants in the lawsuit are Pasit Sakdanarong, who was dismissed as secretary to Constitution Court president Chat Cholaworn after the release of the first sets of video clips, Puea Thai Party spokesman Prompong Nopparit, and Matichon newspaper.

The judges - Jaroon Inthacharn, Supoj Khaimuk and Chalermpol Ek-uru - had lawyer Napol Arun-asirakul file the lawsuit on their behalf.

The lawsuit stated the alleged offences happened between April 26, when the Constitution Court accepted for consideration a case filed by the Election Commission seeking the dissolution of the Democrat Party for alleged misuse of the political party development fund, and Oct 29.

During that period, a group of people including Mr Pasit and Mr Prompong filmed video clips to disseminate false information to attack the Constitution Court with an intention of destroying its credibility, according to the lawsuit.

On Oct 14, the group using the login name "ohmygod3009" posted the first set of five video clips on YouTube.

The first clip was entitled "Prem [Privy Council chairman Prem Tinsulanonda] met Constitution Court judges, discussing ways of helping the Democrat Party in the dissolution case."

The second featured a meeting between Mr Pasit and Democrat MP Wirat Romyem.

The third, fourth and fifth clips featured Constitution Court judges discussing ways of making EC chairman Apichart Sukhagghanond speak in favour of the Democrat Party.

On Oct 17, Mr Prompong held a press conference to tell the public of the clips.

On Oct 29 three more video clips were posted by the same group of people on YouTube. They were aimed at implicating three judges in alleged irregularities over the recruitment of court officials.

On Oct 30 Matichon newspaper, operator of website www.matichon.co.th, ran texts of those video clips on the website and invited viewers to see the clips on YouTube.

The named defendants had defamed the judges and violated the Computer Crimes Act, the lawsuit said.

The court accepted the lawsuit for consideration.


Mining miracle unlikely in NZ

22 November 2010

After the worldwide joy at the rescue of the Chilean miners the plight of 29 Miners in New Zealand is especially sad. Four days ago an underground methane blast trapped the miners after a powerful and sustained explosion.

Toxic methane gases continue to prevent rescuers from entering the Pike River coalmine on the South Island's rugged west coast.

Hopes of finding the miners alive are fading after several setbacks including the breakdown of an exploratory robot, and the stalling of drilling a bore hole after machinery hit hard rock.

There are safe areas in the mine that have access to oxygen. But there has been no communication with the miners since the explosion. Rescue teams still cannot enter the mine due to toxic gas levels.

Euro crisis?

22 November 2010

First is was the Euro110bn bailout of Greece. Now we have Euro90 billion bail out of the Irish.

Neither deal will stem concerns about the eurozone.

The rescue of Greece proved ineffectual in stopping contagion; similarly the aid package for Ireland will not prevent further deterioration of the sovereign debt crisis.

One commentator noted that "the markets are moving faster than the European politicians can keep up with."

Stock markets across Europe tumbled. Spain's Ibex index was off 2.7%, Italy was down 1.2% and Ireland closed 1.4% while the FTSE was down 52 – about 1% – at 5680.

Analysts use the cost that the markets charge to insure against a country defaulting on its debt as an indicator of distress. The cost of buying insurance on Portuguese debt rose and while Ireland initially enjoyed a reduction in its insurance costs, these had increased again by the end of the day. Ratings agency Moody added to the gloom by saying that it might cut the country's credit rating by more than previously.

More market volatility is expected while the Irish package is still being negotiated and not expected to be finalised before the end of the month.

The likelihood of an Irish election in early 2010 will make lenders feel even less confident.

It started with Greece, Ireland was next; and what or who will follow - Portugal and Spain?
 

Never a truer word

22 November 2010

Never a truer word. This is a grab from today's Bangkok Post web site. The PAD is re-branded as the Peoples Alliance Against Democracy. Which may be a typing accident but it is exactly what it is ! This is a group that believes that most Thais are not smart enough to make decisions for themselves. A group that wants the wealth of the nation to be shared among a non elected elite.

Parliament locked down

File photo showing police security forces going through drills

"Final security plans drawn up for Tuesday's joint sitting on constitutional amendments as the yellow-shirt Peoples Alliance against Democracy confirms plans for a three-day 'no-change' protest outside the complex and a red-shirt leader advises his followers to stay well clear. (file photo)"

 

No Thai Christmas for Camerons

21 November 2010

The Independent on Sunday is reporting that David Cameron will cancel a planned family holiday to Thailand this Christmas. The Independent argues that the cancellation follows complaints from campaigners about the country's human-rights record.

BUt it may be more to do with Cameron's domestic issues in the UK. A Thai holiday might not look so good given the UK's austerity measures and spending cuts.

The Prime Minister had faced claims that the trip would be viewed as "showing support" for a "brutal" regime. The United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship – known as the Red Shirts – has submitted abuse claims to the International Criminal Court. More than 90 protesters were killed in angry clashes in Bangkok earlier this year, as the government moved to crack down on the demonstrations.

Downing Street said it would not comment on the Camerons' plans, but it is understood that the family had booked flights some time ago and now felt it was better to enjoy the festive season in England. It had been reported that Mr Cameron chose Thailand because the Thai Prime Minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, is a fellow Old Etonian – something that No 10 denies.

This summer the Camerons holidayed in Cornwall, a break interrupted by the early birth of their daughter Florence.

There must be some disappointed media types who were all hoping to follow Cameron for an all expenses paid Christmas trip to Thailand.

In China's Orbit

20 November 2010 The Wall Street Journal - Niall Ferguson

"We are the masters now." I wonder if President Barack Obama saw those words in the thought bubble over the head of his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao, at the G20 summit in Seoul last week. If the president was hoping for change he could believe in—in China's currency policy, that is—all he got was small change. Maybe Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner also heard "We are the masters now" as the Chinese shot down his proposal for capping imbalances in global current accounts. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke got the same treatment when he announced a new round of "quantitative easing" to try to jump start the U.S. economy, a move described by one leading Chinese commentator as "uncontrolled" and "irresponsible."

"We are the masters now." That was certainly the refrain that I kept hearing in my head when I was in China two weeks ago. It wasn't so much the glitzy, Olympic-quality party I attended in the Tai Miao Temple, next to the Forbidden City, that made this impression. The displays of bell ringing, martial arts and all-girl drumming are the kind of thing that Western visitors expect. It was the understated but unmistakable self-confidence of the economists I met that told me something had changed in relations between China and the West.

One of them, Cheng Siwei, explained over dinner China's plan to become a leader in green energy technology. Between swigs of rice wine, Xia Bin, an adviser to the People's Bank of China, outlined the need for a thorough privatization program, "including even the Great Hall of the People." And in faultless English, David Li of Tsinghua University confessed his dissatisfaction with the quality of Chinese Ph.D.s.

You could not ask for smarter people with whom to discuss the two most interesting questions in economic history today: Why did the West come to dominate not only China but the rest of the world in the five centuries after the Forbidden City was built? And is that period of Western dominance now finally coming to an end?

In a brilliant paper that has yet to be published in English, Mr. Li and his co-author Guan Hanhui demolish the fashionable view that China was economically neck-and-neck with the West until as recently as 1800. Per capita gross domestic product, they show, stagnated in the Ming era (1402-1626) and was significantly lower than that of pre-industrial Britain. China still had an overwhelmingly agricultural economy, with low-productivity cultivation accounting for 90% of GDP. And for a century after 1520, the Chinese national savings rate was actually negative. There was no capital accumulation in late Ming China; rather the opposite.

The story of what Kenneth Pomeranz, a history professor at the University of California, Irvine, has called "the Great Divergence" between East and West began much earlier. Even the late economist Angus Maddison may have been over-optimistic when he argued that in 1700 the average inhabitant of China was probably slightly better off than the average inhabitant of the future United States. Mr. Maddison was closer to the mark when he estimated that, in 1600, per capita GDP in Britain was already 60% higher than in China.

For the next several hundred years, China continued to stagnate and, in the 20th century, even to retreat, while the English-speaking world, closely followed by northwestern Europe, surged ahead. By 1820 U.S. per capita GDP was twice that of China; by 1870 it was nearly five times greater; by 1913 the ratio was nearly 10 to one.

Despite the painful interruption of the Great Depression, the U.S. suffered nothing so devastating as China's wretched mid-20th century ordeal of revolution, civil war, Japanese invasion, more revolution, man-made famine and yet more ("cultural") revolution. In 1968 the average American was 33 times richer than the average Chinese, using figures calculated on the basis of purchasing power parity (allowing for the different costs of living in the two countries). Calculated in current dollar terms, the differential at its peak was more like 70 to 1.

This was the ultimate global imbalance, the result of centuries of economic and political divergence. How did it come about? And is it over?

As I've researched my forthcoming book over the past two years, I've concluded that the West developed six "killer applications" that "the Rest" lacked. These were:

• Competition: Europe was politically fragmented, and within each monarchy or republic there were multiple competing corporate entities.

• The Scientific Revolution: All the major 17th-century breakthroughs in mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry and biology happened in Western Europe.

• The rule of law and representative government: This optimal system of social and political order emerged in the English-speaking world, based on property rights and the representation of property owners in elected legislatures.

• Modern medicine: All the major 19th- and 20th-century advances in health care, including the control of tropical diseases, were made by Western Europeans and North Americans.

• The consumer society: The Industrial Revolution took place where there was both a supply of productivity-enhancing technologies and a demand for more, better and cheaper goods, beginning with cotton garments.

• The work ethic: Westerners were the first people in the world to combine more extensive and intensive labor with higher savings rates, permitting sustained capital accumulation.

Those six killer apps were the key to Western ascendancy. The story of our time, which can be traced back to the reign of the Meiji Emperor in Japan (1867-1912), is that the Rest finally began to download them. It was far from a smooth process. The Japanese had no idea which elements of Western culture were the crucial ones, so they ended up copying everything, from Western clothes and hairstyles to the practice of colonizing foreign peoples. Unfortunately, they took up empire-building at precisely the moment when the costs of imperialism began to exceed the benefits. Other Asian powers—notably India—wasted decades on the erroneous premise that the socialist institutions pioneered in the Soviet Union were superior to the market-based institutions of the West.

Beginning in the 1950s, however, a growing band of East Asian countries followed Japan in mimicking the West's industrial model, beginning with textiles and steel and moving up the value chain from there. The downloading of Western applications was now more selective. Competition and representative government did not figure much in Asian development, which instead focused on science, medicine, the consumer society and the work ethic (less Protestant than Max Weber had thought). Today Singapore is ranked third in the World Economic Forum's assessment of competitiveness. Hong Kong is 11th, followed by Taiwan (13th), South Korea (22nd) and China (27th). This is roughly the order, historically, in which these countries Westernized their economies.

Today per capita GDP in China is 19% that of the U.S., compared with 4% when economic reform began just over 30 years ago. Hong Kong, Japan and Singapore were already there as early as 1950; Taiwan got there in 1970, and South Korea got there in 1975. According to the Conference Board, Singapore's per capita GDP is now 21% higher than that of the U.S., Hong Kong's is about the same, Japan's and Taiwan's are about 25% lower, and South Korea's 36% lower. Only a foolhardy man would bet against China's following the same trajectory in the decades ahead.

China's has been the biggest and fastest of all the industrialization revolutions. In the space of 26 years, China's GDP grew by a factor of 10. It took the U.K. 70 years after 1830 to grow by a factor of four. According to the International Monetary Fund, China's share of global GDP (measured in current prices) will pass the 10% mark in 2013. Goldman Sachs continues to forecast that China will overtake the U.S. in terms of GDP in 2027, just as it recently overtook Japan.

But in some ways the Asian century has already arrived. China is on the brink of surpassing the American share of global manufacturing, having overtaken Germany and Japan in the past 10 years. China's biggest city, Shanghai, already sits atop the ranks of the world's megacities, with Mumbai right behind; no American city comes close.

Nothing is more certain to accelerate the shift of global economic power from West to East than the looming U.S. fiscal crisis. With a debt-to-revenue ratio of 312%, Greece is in dire straits already. But the debt-to-revenue ratio of the U.S. is 358%, according to Morgan Stanley. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that interest payments on the federal debt will rise from 9% of federal tax revenues to 20% in 2020, 36% in 2030 and 58% in 2040. Only America's "exorbitant privilege" of being able to print the world's premier reserve currency gives it breathing space. Yet this very privilege is under mounting attack from the Chinese government.

For many commentators, the resumption of quantitative easing by the Federal Reserve has appeared to spark a currency war between the U.S. and China. If the "Chinese don't take actions" to end the manipulation of their currency, President Obama declared in New York in September, "we have other means of protecting U.S. interests." The Chinese premier Wen Jiabao was quick to respond: "Do not work to pressure us on the renminbi rate…. Many of our exporting companies would have to close down, migrant workers would have to return to their villages. If China saw social and economic turbulence, then it would be a disaster for the world."

Such exchanges are a form of pi ying xi, China's traditional shadow puppet theater. In reality, today's currency war is between "Chimerica"—as I've called the united economies of China and America—and the rest of the world. If the U.S. prints money while China effectively still pegs its currency to the dollar, both parties benefit. The losers are countries like Indonesia and Brazil, whose real trade-weighted exchange rates have appreciated since January 2008 by 18% and 17%, respectively.

But who now gains more from this partnership? With China's output currently 20% above its pre-crisis level and that of the U.S. still 2% below, the answer seems clear. American policy-makers may utter the mantra that "they need us as much as we need them" and refer ominously to Lawrence Summers's famous phrase about "mutually assured financial destruction." But the Chinese already have a plan to reduce their dependence on dollar reserve accumulation and subsidized exports. It is a strategy not so much for world domination on the model of Western imperialism as for reestablishing China as the Middle Kingdom—the dominant tributary state in the Asia-Pacific region.

If I had to summarize China's new grand strategy, I would do it, Chinese-style, as the Four "Mores": Consume more, import more, invest abroad more and innovate more. In each case, a change of economic strategy pays a handsome geopolitical dividend.

By consuming more, China can reduce its trade surplus and, in the process, endear itself to its major trading partners, especially the other emerging markets. China recently overtook the U.S. as the world's biggest automobile market (14 million sales a year, compared to 11 million), and its demand is projected to rise tenfold in the years ahead.

By 2035, according to the International Energy Agency, China will be using a fifth of all global energy, a 75% increase since 2008. It accounted for about 46% of global coal consumption in 2009, the World Coal Institute estimates, and consumes a similar share of the world's aluminum, copper, nickel and zinc production. Last year China used twice as much crude steel as the European Union, United States and Japan combined.

Such figures translate into major gains for the exporters of these and other commodities. China is already Australia's biggest export market, accounting for 22% of Australian exports in 2009. It buys 12% of Brazil's exports and 10% of South Africa's. It has also become a big purchaser of high-end manufactured goods from Japan and Germany. Once China was mainly an exporter of low-price manufactures. Now that it accounts for fully a fifth of global growth, it has become the most dynamic new market for other people's stuff. And that wins friends.

The Chinese are justifiably nervous, however, about the vagaries of world commodity prices. How could they feel otherwise after the huge price swings of the past few years? So it makes sense for them to invest abroad more. In January 2010 alone, the Chinese made direct investments worth a total of $2.4 billion in 420 overseas enterprises in 75 countries and regions. The overwhelming majority of these were in Asia and Africa. The biggest sectors were mining, transportation and petrochemicals. Across Africa, the Chinese mode of operation is now well established. Typical deals exchange highway and other infrastructure investments for long leases of mines or agricultural land, with no questions asked about human rights abuses or political corruption.

Growing overseas investment in natural resources not only makes sense as a diversification strategy to reduce China's exposure to the risk of dollar depreciation. It also allows China to increase its financial power, not least through its vast and influential sovereign wealth fund. And it justifies ambitious plans for naval expansion. In the words of Rear Admiral Zhang Huachen, deputy commander of the East Sea Fleet: "With the expansion of the country's economic interests, the navy wants to better protect the country's transportation routes and the safety of our major sea-lanes." The South China Sea has already been declared a "core national interest," and deep-water ports are projected in Pakistan, Burma and Sri Lanka.

Finally, and contrary to the view that China is condemned to remain an assembly line for products "designed in California," the country is innovating more, aiming to become, for example, the world's leading manufacturer of wind turbines and photovoltaic panels. In 2007 China overtook Germany in terms of new patent applications. This is part of a wider story of Eastern ascendancy. In 2008, for the first time, the number of patent applications from China, India, Japan and South Korea exceeded those from the West.

The dilemma posed to the "departing" power by the "arriving" power is always agonizing. The cost of resisting Germany's rise was heavy indeed for Britain; it was much easier to slide quietly into the role of junior partner to the U.S. Should America seek to contain China or to accommodate it? Opinion polls suggest that ordinary Americans are no more certain how to respond than the president. In a recent survey by the Pew Research Center, 49% of respondents said they did not expect China to "overtake the U.S. as the world's main superpower," but 46% took the opposite view.

Coming to terms with a new global order was hard enough after the collapse of the Soviet Union, which went to the heads of many Western commentators. (Who now remembers talk of American hyperpuissance without a wince?) But the Cold War lasted little more than four decades, and the Soviet Union never came close to overtaking the U.S. economically. What we are living through now is the end of 500 years of Western predominance. This time the Eastern challenger is for real, both economically and geopolitically.

The gentlemen in Beijing may not be the masters just yet. But one thing is certain: They are no longer the apprentices.

Six months on

19 November 2010

The red shirts are back rallying in Bangkok; it is exactly six months since the 19 May crackdown that saw over 90 people killed on the streets of Bangkok as troops were used to clear the red shirt camps around Siam and Ratchaprasong.

On the surface the country is quiet; people are shopping in BKK; tourists are back; the baht is booming; the red shirt leaders are in detention or hiding; the government has not fallen; central world has re-opened.

Scratch away the surface and all is not as well. The CRES still appears to determine government policy; There are occasional bomb and grenade attacks in Bangkok; there is a new hard line army commander; lese majeste cases continue on the thinnest of evidence; internet censorship has extended to cover anything that might be seen as pro-red and anti government. And, sadly, after 14 months the King remains in hospital; presumably either not well enough, or not willing, to return to the Palace.

The PAD - yellow shirts - are also determined to rally from 23-25 November.

The latest gem from the CRES is to order a ban of subversive goods within Bangkok and adjacent provinces still under an official State of Emergency. The ban includes clothing and all consumer goods deemed objectionable. Who decides what is objectionable? The ban is apparently in response to the latest red shirt rallies. Clothing and other accessories sold at these rallies including flip flops with the face of PM Abhisit on them. 

Bangkok and other provinces have been under emergency rule since April 7. This represents the longest State of Emergency in Bangkok in more than a quarter century. (Prior to this, after the Thammasat Student Massacre of 1976 the Thai military maintained a State of Emergency in Bangkok for nearly 8 years, until 1984.)

Interesting that the CRES can make law.

Anyway this is a translated excerpt from the ban, which is in effect immediately:

Item 1: Individuals are forbidden to have in their possession, or possess with intent to sell or otherwise distribute, products, clothing, consumer goods, or any other objects that contain printing, writing, drawing, photography, or any other method that conveys a meaning which provokes, incites, agitates, or causes disunity in the general populace, or acts or supports acts which cause a state of emergency.

Item 2: Authorities are authorized to order the seizure or confiscation of products, clothing, consumer goods, or any other objects as outlined in Item 1, and are authorized to act as necessary to maintain the security of the state or the safety of the public.

Item 4: Any person violating this order is subject to up to 2 years imprisonment or a fine of up to 40,000 baht, or both.

Thaksin meanwhile has been quiet; but that does not mean he has disappeared. It will probably remain quiet until after the Kings birthday. After that, all bets are off.

Willy and Katie to wed

16 November 2010

The will he, wont he propose debate is over. Prince William, for those who live on Mars he is the second in line to the English throne, proposed to commoner Kate Middleton and they will marry in the spring or summer next year.

Another Royal Wedding. The news networks are already talking about nothing else. CNN, BBC, Sky; it is royal wedding tv. And we have months more of the same.

They will marry in 2011; thirty years after Charles and Diana married - and that was watched by one billion people around the world. Not by me. I went to play golf with my Dad.

Jim Clancy on CNN tweeted - "Aung San Suu Kyi represents a much more striking individual image to me than any member of royalty." Well done Mr. Clancy. The sad thiing is that Aung San Suu Kyi has already disappeared from the news.

In the UK both the BBC News channel and Sky News devoted their entire schedule to the couple today following the marriage announcement by Clarence House, with BBC1 also interrupting its normal programming to bring viewers the big news.

Good luck to the couple; but do we all have to switch off from the real world to follow this spoon in mouth couple.

Maybe they could just get married quickly tomorrow and save us from months of tv hell.

Or how about a sponsored wedding - someone could sponsor the dress; put advertising in the church; sponsor the choir, the page boys, the wedding carriage or the organ (the musical one)?  

Qatar could buy the royal wedding : they already own a list of blue-chip British investments which currently includes Harrods, the (soon to be former) US Embassy in Grovesnor Square, Canary Wharf, Chelsea Barracks, the Shard at London Bridge, shares in the LSE, Barclay’s Bank and Sainsbury’s.

Or maybe Emirates could sponsor the wedding as the logo would look good on the dress!

Brits, mired in a recession and reeling form deep budget cuts, will now all be expected to join merrily in the festivities. The government will expect a huge benefit from the wedding feel good factor.

And you will be able to but William and Kate everything.

For Kate Middleton, her life as she knew and enjoyed it, has just ended. She will be the wife of the future King. And her every move and every statement is now open to public scrutiny.

Nice touch - the engagement ring is the ring that Charles gave to Diana thirty years ago.

Other than that. Can we move on to real news please.

Here we go again

16 November 2010

Dubai has not learned its pr lesson. And that is sad.

You don#t make major financial announcements at the start of an extended government holiday.

But it was announced to day - the Eid holiday - that the Dubai government has pumped $2bn (two billion dollars) into Dubai Holding, taking control of the conglomerate's financial restructuring.

Mohammed Al Shaibani, director of the Ruler's Court, the body that coordinates the activities of government departments, told the Financial Times that  the government  is willing to put more capital into the loss-making conglomerate.

The government also expects banks to accept some of the pain, as was the case in the Dubai World restructuring, Shaibani told the newspaper in an interview.

He said banks could expect to win advisory deals as the government considered future asset sales and privatisations. But they will have to give up money they are owed in order to get those deals.


Dubai Holding, controlled by the emirate’s ruler Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, apparently owes banks about $12 billion. Almost three- quarters of its debt has been racked up by Dubai International Capital and Dubai Group LLC. Dubai Holding has stakes in U.K.-based hotel chain Travelodge Hotels Ltd, Doncasters Plc and Madame Tussauds, through DIC and Dubai Group.

Dubai’s government had outstanding direct debt of 105.47 billion dirhams ($29 billion) at the end of July, according an updated bond prospectus published on the London Stock Exchange on Sept. 27. The debt includes funds borrowed to finance the expansion of Dubai International Airport, other infrastructure projects, borrowings by Investment Corp. of Dubai, and loans from the Abu Dhabi government and the Central Bank of the United Arab Emirates, the document showed.

Of course no one from the Dubai government was immediately available to comment as today is the Islamic feast of Eid Al Adha.

Japanese journalist Muramoto possibly killed by Thai state security

16 November 2010

Reuters cameraman Hiro Muramoto may have been shot by Thai security forces when he was killed during a street protest in April, state investigators said on Tuesday, calling for a new probe into his death.

The statement is the first by Thai investigators to acknowledge that a bullet fired by security forces may have killed the 43-year-old journalist.

"Since there was possible involvement by government officers, we have to start from square one by letting police investigate further," Tharit Pengdith, director general of the Department of Special Investigation, told a news conference.

So what exactly have investigators been doing since April - that is 7 months ago.

Muramoto, a Japanese national based in Tokyo with Thomson Reuters, was killed by a high-velocity bullet wound to the chest while covering clashes in Bangkok between anti-government protesters and Thai troops on April 10.

"I hope the investigation can be completed swiftly so that all who care deeply about Hiro Muramoto's death can have clarity about what precisely happened, David Schlesinger, editor-in-chief of Reuters, said in a statement.

"His family and colleagues need to know who was involved and what the circumstances were that led to this tragedy."

Twenty-five people, mostly protesters, were killed on April 10 and hundreds wounded. Television footage showed Thai troops opening fire on protesters, while soldiers came under attack from grenades and black-clad gunmen moved among the demonstrators.

The DSI said Muramoto was among six people whose deaths will be further investigated because it was unclear if he was shot by security forces, protesters or unidentified "armed militants."

The DSI has yet to release findings from its investigation into Muramoto and others killed on April 10 including the source of gunfire, despite intense diplomatic pressure from Japan. It previously said the probe lacked conclusive witness accounts.

"We have been asking the Thai government at all levels, including in meetings between our foreign ministers and through our embassy, to find out the truth," a Japanese foreign ministry official said. "We will continue to call for the truth into what happened with Mr. Muramoto."

A Thai newspaper reported in July that four witnesses told police Muramoto was killed by gunfire from troops, but the DSI denied the report, saying it did not have reliable witnesses to the shooting.

The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said in July that Thailand's government had failed to properly investigate the deaths of Muramoto and Italian freelance photographer Fabio Polenghi who was shot dead on May 19 as troops moved in on protesters in Bangkok's commercial district.

The DSI said on Tuesday that it had evidence that 12 people including seven soldiers were killed by supporters of an anti-government "red shirt" protest movement demanding Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva call fresh elections.

A senior police official who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the issue told Reuters on Tuesday that Muramoto was likely caught in a crossfire and there was a "high possibility" that he was shot by the security forces although the case remained inconclusive.

"Given the line of fire and eyewitness accounts, there is a high possibility but this is in no way conclusive which is why we need further investigation," the official said.

The Thai authorities will delay the investigation for as long as they can but I do not expect either Reuters or the Japanese government will drop their pursuit of a full, thorough and evidenced investigation.

JetBlue joins up with Emirates

14 November 2010

 JetBlue Airways is teaming up with Emirates Airline in a deal under which the pair will sell tickets on each other's flights.

The deal announced Monday allows U.S. passengers to buy tickets through JetBlue to international destinations that Emirates serves. Emirates customers can buy tickets to U.S. cities JetBlue serves.

Emirates flies two daily nonstop flights from New York to its hub in Dubai.

JetBlue Airways Corp. already has similar deals with American Airlines, South African Airways and Irish carrier Aer Lingus. These partnerships allow airlines to expand their available destinations without added costs. They also feed more passengers into their respective networks.

What makes this deal interesting is that Lufthansa is a shareholder in JetBlue but the US airline will be routing its passengers onto Emirates flights not those of its shareholder or Star Alliance partner.

Can't get to Canada so try Basra

13 November 2010

Effective 2 February 2011, Emirates will commence flights to Basra (BSR) in Iraq. Flights will be operated 4x weekly (Mon, Wed, Thu, Sat) using A330-200. The schedule is:

EK945 DEP DXB 1345 ARR BSR 1445
EK946 DEP BSR 1615 ARR DXB 1910

I am surprised that Emirates will commence flights to Basra in the south of Iraq rather than to Baghdad. EK was planning to start Baghdad. Maybe a year ago. Wonder what hppaned to those plans.  EK must be planning to attract many business travelers from the south east of the country. Nevertheless it is an interesting move confirming the airline's ambitions to grow in this country.

And why Basra - oil. Which appears to be transforming the city.

Basra in southern Iraq has been transformed - thanks to oil

Emirates takes on Canada

13 November 2010 - updated 14 November 2010

Emirates has gone on the public relations offensive in its battle to obtain additional landing rights in Canada. The airline has issued a two-page backgrounder for public and media use It is called "Canada and Emirates Airline. Busting Myths. A reasonable request."

Emirates actually hired public relations firm Temple Scott Associates Inc, which specializes in government relations, to do the myth busting for them. Proof as always, that you can write anything if you get paid for it!

It was the the PR firm that issues the two-page press release.

The documents can be read here. There is more here from Emirates Public Affairs - Emirates and Canada

Scattered throughout are selective quotes from major players meant to back up Emirates' position, including British Airways CEO Willie Walsh and WestJet CEO Gregg Saretsky.

Ultimately, Emirates accuses Air Canada of trying "to deny choice to Canadian consumers and protect itself from fair and reasonable competition."

In a statement on October 12, Air Canada said the current agreement between Canada and the U.A.E. "allows more than enough capacity to carry all the point-to-point traffic" between the two countries.

"Air Canada supports liberalization in markets where such agreements benefit both sides, such as with the U.S. and Europe, but opposes capacity dumping by state-owned airlines," the statement said.

The trouble is the more that Emirates protests the less inclined I am to listen. And I suspect the Canadian authorities feel the same way.

My concerns with the Emirates publicity drive are as follows, in no particular order.

1. The document talks about Emirates Airline and Canada. Bilaterals are negotiated between sovereign states. The UAE currently has the right to operates a six flights a week to Toronto. At the moment Emirates lies three times and Etihad flies three times. Emirates had originally been offered all six but said no because they were not offered a daily flight. So Etihad took three leaving only three of Emirates.

Emirates documents fail to even mention the three flights a week operated by Eitihad.

2 Flights from the UAE to Canada are full, not of UAE nationals, but of passengers connecting from mainly South Asia. The UAE airports are hubs. Passengers fly thourgh Dubai, they do not fly to Dubai. Your typical passenger from say Bangalore can fly with Emirates via Dubai, or with Star Alliance partners via Frankfurt with One World alliance via London or with Air India through their Delhi hub.

Emirates simply wants a bigger slice of that pie.

3. Emirates is state owned. Air Canada is a public company with responsibilities to its shareholders; and, lets be honest here, with a responsibility to repay taxpayer loans.

4. Emirates has invoked government support to "bully" Canada into extending landing rights.

The following actions have been taken.

The Canadian base at Camp Mirage has been closed. This was leased to the Canadians rent free; that said the Canadians will contributed to the UAE economy through money spent and supplies acquired here. The base was used to support the Canadian peace keeping activities in Afghanistan. Canada is rightly proud of the fact that for decades it has been in the front line of every NATO supported peace keeping initiative. The UAE was more than happy to see Canadian forces seeking to help maintain stability in this volatile region. In closing the base the UAE put it's airline's commercial profit before humanitarian and diplomatic interests.

Canadians will require a visa to enter the UAE from 2 January 2011. They will be only "western nation" that is not part of the UAE's visa waiver programme.

The UAE denied landing rights to an airplane of the Canadian Foreign Minister and the Minister for Veteran Affairs. Sorry to0 say but this looks like petty retribution. Of course every nation has a right to say who can pass through its airspace. But the UAE could have set a precedent. It is a very long way from the UAE to the USA if you cannot pass through Canadian airspace.

The UAE admitted that it lobbied hard to deny Canada a seat on the UN security council.

How is any of the above a a reasonable and predictable response to limiting Emirates Airlines access to Canada. If Emirates wants its PR bluster to be credible it should be distancing itself from the actions taken in its supposed support by the UAE government.

4. The UAE is hardly a bastion of free trade and open competition. Protectionism works very well for the UAE when it is seen as being in the UAE government's interests. Just search on Skype, DEWA, Etisalat in the UAE for background. So do not act surprised or offended when other government's seek to protect their own business interests.

5. Canada has no company with an order book the size of EK. There is no company in Canada that is recruiting pilots in numbers (700) like EK. Canada has a large country with a tiny population. Many of these small communities require domestic air service. Air Canada has to support a significant domestic network. Not a cost that Emirates or Etihad has to bear.

6. No one will argue that Air Canada is a fantastically run business. It is not. But then there are limits to what it can do in comparison to EK/EY. It cannot be competitive to EK/EY so it needs some degree of protection. These are no more than protections that any country sets out when trade imbalances exist. What is best for Air Canada and Canada is to allow competition into the market, from several sources... but to be managed, or as is now protected.

7. Canada has many unilateral flight agreements with many different countries. Canada is not embracing "protectionist" measures...but rather controllling access and employing oversight measures to ensure its own success in the aviation industry as well.

8. Trade agreements are full of limits to provide balance and protect both sides when there's a possibility for one party to take advantage over the other (i.e. one is much bigger than the other, or one is more heavily subsidized / less regulated than the other). There may not be a cheque being written, but the cost advantages that Gulf carriers enjoy with both a significantly lower tax advantage and a pool of cheap labour is every bit as good as a cheque from the government in terms of providing cost advantages. And in a democratic country where the government does have to answer to its people, one of the considerations is always going to be how opening up markets to foreign businesses will be perceived by the tax paying / voting public. Only one of the governments in this dispute is faced with that particular reality.

Despite the above I do have every desire for Emirates to Canada but it should be on the basis of a fair and reasonable position.

I will also accept that Air Canada, supported by the Canadian government are doing customers an immense disservice by "unreasonably" restricting competition in the air transport market place. But for Air Canada and its shareholders this makes sense and is exactly what every other pseudo legacy/national carrier in the western world has done for the last 40 years. And it is also what Emirates is doing now.

The endgame to all this will be an eventual compromise. Emirates will eventually find a way to have greater access..by either acquiring Etihad..or using commercial common sense and maybe a more constructive approach.

Canada needs to intelligently look at how much access Emirates and any airline has to Canada and "manage" it if necessary. Emirates will argue that this is protectionist. Nothing more than the UAE does to protect its domestic businesses.

In the meantime Canada and Qatar have quietly signed an aviation agreement that will allow Qatar Airways to fly three passenger flights and three cargo flights a week to and from the Gulf sheikdom.

Talks were successfully concluded on Oct. 25 after only three days of negotiation, according to Qatari news media....

Qatar does not require that Canadian citizens have a visa before traveling there. In a sign of warming relations, Canada is to open an embassy in Qatar early next year.

The simple fact is, Canada decides who flies to Canada, and the UAE decides who flies to the UAE.

Twitterers beware

12 November 2010

Twitterers beware. Judges have no sense of humor. And even endless exclamation marks will not save you.

The Twitter joke trial is a classic collision between new technology, post 9/11 paranoia, witless judges, and a hapless victim.

So what happened?

Paul Chambers, a 27-year-old accountant, yesterday lost his appeal against his conviction and £1,000 fine for a comment he made in jest when he was concerned he might miss a flight to Belfast.

This was his public tweet.

"Crap! Robin Hood airport is closed. You've got a week and a bit to get your shit together otherwise I'm blowing the airport sky high!!"
he wrote in January.

Chambers was controversially prosecuted under a law aimed at nuisance calls – originally to protect "female telephonists at the Post Office" in the 1930s – rather than specific bomb hoax legislation, which requires stronger evidence of intent.

But this is an accountant and a disappointed customer - not a suicidal jihadist.

His appeal was yesterday and after it failed. Mr Chambers has already lost his job because of the prosecution. Some 24 hours after his appeal failed, the "hashtag" #twitterjoketrial remains one of the top trending topics on twitter.

A so-called "I'm Spartacus" campaign encouraging users to "re-tweet" his words has also become a huge hit.

The I'm Spartacus campaign is inspired by the famous scene in the 1960s movie blockbuster, when slaves stood up one by one to claim "I'm Spartacus" in order to save their fellow gladiator (Kirk Douglas as Spartacus) from detection.

Chambers is believed to be the first person convicted in the UK for posting an offensive tweet.

After the hearing, actor and Twitter fan Stephen Fry tweeted that he would pay Chambers' fine. Question for you dear reader - if Mr. Fry, with his hundreds of thousands of followers had sent the same tweet would he have been prosecuted with the same dedication ?

Comedian Dara O'Briain tweeted that the verdict was "ludicrous" while Peep Show actor David Mitchell said it was "punishment for flippancy".

In the meantime, globally, his text (with hashtag #iamspartacus) is being re-tweeted.

Judge Jacqueline Davies yesterday called the tweet "menacing in its content and obviously so. It could not be more clear. Any ordinary person reading this would see it in that way and be alarmed".

She also ordered him to pay a further £2,000 legal bill for the latest proceedings. She dismissed his lawyers' arguments that he should not be punished for a "foolish prank".

Now will everyone who has re-tweeted the message be prosecuted and fined a further gbp1,000. That will quickly add up to millions.

Here is the rebuttal - a well argued and rational response in an Open Letter to Judge Jacqueline Davies.

 

Judges in the dock

12 November 2010 - The Economist

Economist seeking another ban in Thailand!

"Since 2006, when the armed forces ousted the then prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, Thailand’s constitutional court has dissolved two popular pro-Thaksin parties and disqualified hundreds of his allies. Now it may be the turn of the ruling Democrat Party, which is accused of campaign-finance fraud. A final hearing in the first of two cases is scheduled for November 29th.

The party denies wrongdoing. Yet in the court of public opinion, it is the judges themselves who are in the dock. A series of leaked videos posted on YouTube by “ohmygod3009” has dealt a blow to the court’s standing. In one, a member of parliament for the Democrat Party appears to be lobbying the secretary to the court president, Chat Cholaworn, to go easy on the party. In other videos, senior judges appear to discuss how to cover up the leaking of exam papers to relatives applying for jobs at the court. A new batch of YouTube videos released on November 8th, and swiftly blocked in Thailand by court order, also relate to alleged nepotism in hiring. More videos are promised. “Hold on tight,” exhorts a mysterious poster.

The court’s haughty response has been to claim a conspiracy by “ill-intentioned people” out to discredit it. The Democrats accuse their opponents of leaking the videos in the hope of forcing the court to dissolve the party, since to do otherwise would be to imply that it had bowed to political pressure. The MP caught on tape discussing the party’s case said that it was a set-up by Mr Chat’s secretary, who has since fled overseas and may be the source of the videos. Government critics say the court has shown its true, biddable colours.

A guilty verdict in the case and a break-up of the pro-establishment Democrats would tip Thailand back into political chaos after months of relative calm. At the time of the alleged fraud, the current prime minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva, was a deputy leader of the party. Under the latest, military-imposed constitution, party executives share collective guilt for any wrongdoing. Should Mr Abhisit fall on his sword, other Democrats are waiting in the wings. A former deputy prime minister, Suthep Thepsuban, is one candidate. A more likely replacement may be Chuan Leekpai, a two-time prime minister and party elder. But any new leadership would be unstable, and early elections may beckon.

Manipulation of the courts would be nothing new. In 2008 Mr Thaksin’s lawyers were jailed for offering a cake box stuffed with cash to officials at the supreme court, which was trying his wife. The Democrat MP was not seen doing anything as gauche, though the affair has left a nasty whiff. Paradoxically, the scandal may yet help the Democrats if it delays a final verdict. Judges caught on tape may have to recuse themselves from the trial. With more embarrassing videos perhaps to follow, there may be less haste in deciding the fate of Mr Abhisit’s party, determined to hang on to power until its term ends in a year. How very convenient."

The QF32 scarebus

12 November 2010

A full list of the damage to the Airbus A380 has been revealed after it was nursed back to Singapore on three engines.

When it touched down the fuel systems were failing, the forward spar supporting the left wing had been holed and one of the jet's two hydraulic systems was knocked out and totally drained of fluid.

Investigators found shrapnel damage to the flaps, a huge hole in the upper surface of the left wing and a generator that was not working.

The crew could not shutdown the No. 1 engine using the fire switch. As a result the engine's fire extinguishers could not be deployed.

Captain Richard de Crespigny, first officer Matt Hicks and Mark Johnson, the second officer, could not jettison the volume of fuel required for a safe emergency landing.

With more than 80 tonnes of highly volatile jet kerosene still in the 11 tanks -- two of which were leaking - they made an overweight and high speed approach to Changi Airport.

Without full hydraulics the spoilers - the hinged flaps on the front of the wings - could not be fully deployed to slow the jet.

The crew also had to rely on gravity for the undercarriage to drop and lock into place.

On landing they had no anti-skid brakes and could rely on only one engine for reverse thrust - needing all of the 4km runway at Changi to bring the jet to a stop.

The three crew have been interviewed by Australian investigators and cleared to return to duties.

Industry sources said the damage will almost certainly put the airline's flagship jet - the Nancy-Bird Walton - out of service for months.

Investigators found that an oil fire may have caused the engine to explode.

Details of the stricken jet's problems were revealed yesterday in an emergency directive by the European Aviation Safety Authority.

The authority made it mandatory for airlines with the now suspect Rolls-Royce Trent 900 engines to make checks for excess oil.

If not detected, excess oil can cause a fire and ultimately result in "uncontained" engine failure, with potential damage to the aeroplane and to people or property on the ground.

Qantas made it clear it will keep its six superjumbos grounded indefinitely and has rearranged flight schedules using substitute aircraft.

WHAT WENT WRONG ON QF32

1 Massive fuel leak in the left mid fuel tank (there are 11 tanks, including in the horizontal stabiliser on the tail)

2 Massive fuel leak in the left inner fuel tank

3 A hole on the flap fairing big enough to climb through

4 The aft gallery in the fuel system failed, preventing many fuel transfer functions

5 Problem jettisoning fuel

6 Massive hole in the upper wing surface

7 Partial failure of leading edge slats

8 Partial failure of speed brakes/ground spoilers

9 Shrapnel damage to the flaps

10 Total loss of all hydraulic fluid in one of the jet's two systems

11 Manual extension of landing gear

12 Loss of one generator and associated systems

13 Loss of brake anti-skid system

14 No.1 engine could not be shut down in the usual way after landing because of major damage to systems

15 No.1 engine could not be shut down using the fire switch, which meant fire extinguishers would not work on that engine

16 ECAM (electronic centralised aircraft monitor) warnings about the major fuel imbalance (because of fuel leaks on left side) could not be fixed with cross-feeding

17 Fuel was trapped in the trim tank (in the tail)creating a balance problem for landing

18 Left wing forward spar penetrated by debris

 

Short memory expats

11 November 2010

This is very strange. Just six months after the bloodshed, curfew, gunshots and arsonists creating havoc in Bankok Thailand is now top of HSBC’s latest report Expat Experience 2010. Thailand consistently ranks highly as one of the friendliest nations where expatriates find it easy to integrate and it is also now ranking exceptionally well with retirees looking for a more affordable cost of living, as well as a decent quality of life balance.

Maybe the riots are part of that colourful experience. Anyway the HSBC survey does throw up a few interesting bits of data:

Countries that score well on the quality of life rankings are very popular with those wanting to retire abroad. A high proportion of expats based in Spain (38%), France (33%), South Africa (24%), Thailand (24%) and Canada (17%) are retirees, with many having moved specifically to the country to retire. In Spain, one in four (25%) expats moved there specifically to retire, compared with 21% in France and Thailand.

While scoring well on quality of life overall, these countries scored particularly well on food, local diet and healthcare, which could explain why many expats decide these countries offer the ideal location to spend their golden years.

Nearly one fifth (16%) of expats are planning to stay in their current country for the long haul, especially those in Thailand (47%) and Canada (42%), which seem to make the most popular destinations for ‘expat lifers’. Expats based in these countries are also the most likely to have stayed for five years or more already (Thailand 56%, Canada 47%).

In terms of quality of life, the UK ranks 23rd out of the 25 countries reported. Almost four in five (78%) expats believed they experienced no change in the quality of accommodation in the UK or thought it had worsened compared to their home country. The UK also performs badly in terms of the ease of finding accommodation. Here, the UK ranks 20th out of 25 countries, falling behind Thailand, Bahrain and South Africa who dominate the top three spots in the upper quartile of this category.

Romantically Thailand comes predictably top with 69% of single expats having found a partner (or more !!) since relocating, followed closely by Spain (68%).

Moving abroad is an opportunity many people undertake to find a better way of life as well as an opportunity to boost their earning potential by taking on a new career challenge. But the findings show that the two benefits rarely go hand in hand. This year, the majority of expats (57%) claimed that increased career opportunities and increased financial gain were their key reasons for becoming an expat. However, their choice to move to a country that offers great benefits financially doesn’t generally provide the same benefits in terms of expected quality of life in their new destination.

Saudi Arabia (85%), Qatar (83%) and Russia (76%) are the most popular countries for those citing financial gain and increased career progression as one of the key motivations to become an expat. However, these countries typically score very low on the quality of life rankings (Saudi Arabia 20th, Qatar 19th and Russia 24th out of 25 countries).

In contrast, expats moving to countries that score well on the quality of life league table such as South Africa (3rd), Spain (6th) and France (7th) are much less appealing as destinations to those looking for increased career progression and financial gain. Less than one in five (18%) expats moving to Spain did so for potential financial gain, alongside 26% in France and 40% in South Africa.

There are exceptions to this rule. Expats in Bahrain and Bermuda both scored particularly well for quality of life, scoring 2nd and 5th respectively on the quality of life league table.

Someone has to explain to me how Bahrain finishes second in the quality of life league table?

Dubai's continuing debt problems

11 November 2010

Financial services firm Dubai Group, part of Dubai Holding, has missed two payments on separate loans in recent weeks, including one arranged by Citibank, in the latest sign the Gulf Arab emirate's debt troubles are far from over.

Sources told Reuters that the the company did not make a scheduled payment on a $330 million loan on which Citibank [C 4.385 -0.035 (-0.79%) ] was the sole bookrunner.

"The payment on the Citibank facility in October wasn't made," said a source with direct knowledge of the matter. A second person confirmed the October payment had not been made.

The five-year loan, which matures Dec. 13, 2011, was used to fund the acquisition of a 49-percent stake in Bank Islam Malaysia. Bank Islam earlier this year said Dubai Group was trying to sell the stake.


Canada finds a new friend in the Gulf

11 November 2010

Canada and Qatar have quietly signed an aviation agreement that will allow Qatar Airways to fly three passenger flights and three cargo flights a week to and from the Gulf sheikdom.

Talks were successfully concluded on October 25th after only three days of negotiation, according to (presumably gloating) Qatari news media.

The quick agreement with Qatar was in sharp contrast to a dispute between Ottawa and the United Arab Emirates over flights to and from Canada. It caused the UAE to kick the Canadian military out of Camp Mirage, a key logistical base in Dubai that had been used for nine years to support the war in Afghanistan.

Before talks broke down last month, Canada and the UAE had haggled for five years over greater access to Canadian airports for Emirate Airlines and Etihad Airways — an expansion that was strongly opposed by Air Canada and Transport Canada.

Air carriers in Britain, France, Germany and the Netherlands also have strongly objected to the rapid expansion of flights to Europe by Gulf carriers.

Canada had not publicized the new air agreement with Qatar, perhaps fearing potential further fallout from its escalating dispute with the UAE. Newspapers in the UAE have not published any details of the air agreement between Canada and Qatar although media here usually cover the aviation industry very closely.

The UAE placed a visa requirement on Canadian visitors earlier this week. When the edict comes into effect in the coming weeks — on Jan. 2, — Canada will be the only western country whose citizens face such a restriction.

Qatar does not require that Canadian citizens have a visa before travelling there. In a sign of warming relations, Canada is to open an embassy in Qatar early next year.

Poppy-gate - or how to offend your host

10 November 2010

David Cameron, the British PM, is in China with a gaggle of other ministers and a retinue of business types; all with their hands out hoping for some handouts from their hosts.

So if you are begging for work is it really necessary to cause offence.

Of course, it depends who you are offending.

Cameron's main concern today was how his message sounded to Daily Mail readers back in the UK. And to keep them happy he wore his red poppy in his suit lapel. Such arrogance.

Chinese officials had apparently asked the UK delegation not to wear their Remembrance Day poppies because they are to the Chinese a potent symbol of China's humiliation at the hands of Europe in the opium wars. To comply would have been good manners.

The poppy became the symbol of WWI because of one poem, by a Canadian, Lieutenant Colonel John McCrae who penned "In Flanders fields":

In Flanders Fields the poppies blow
Between the crosses row on row,
That mark our place; and in the sky
The larks, still bravely singing, fly
Scarce heard amid the guns below.

We are the Dead. Short days ago
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
Loved and were loved, and now we lie
In Flanders fields.

Take up our quarrel with the foe:
To you from failing hands we throw
The torch; be yours to hold it high.
If ye break faith with us who die

We shall not sleep, though poppies grow
In Flanders fields.

But Remembrance Day is the 11th and the commemoration is the following Sunday; where your poppies proudly on Sunday. But we seem to now have a poppy month; the British thirst for war commemoration appears to be increasing as memories of Churchill's finest hour recede.

Cameron probably things he is right to lecture the Chinese on freedom of speech, democracy and human rights. Support of US waterboarding and allegations of the British use of torture in Iraq make his position reek of hypocrisy.

But China has its own value systems and priorities – which are much older than our. There is little better example of residual western arrogance combined, oddly enough, with a hint of Maoist conformity), than the sight of Cameron and team wearing their poppies in Beijing?

To Chinese officialdom, the poppy speaks of the two opium wars forced on them by the British empire when – then as now – Britain had insufficiently attractive export products with which to offset its imports from China – but unlike now had the military means to address the deficit.

In the 1830s tea was the main Chinese export via Canton. But the Chinese, deeply introspective and arrogant in their own way, rejected UK manufacturing goods, then at their global zenith. So the East India Company exported Indian opium for both medical and narcotic purposes, 900 tons in 1820, 1,400 by 1838.

The Qing empire restated its ban and was ignored by both British and Chinese merchants, despite the imposition of the death penalty for trafficking.

But after the burning of a temple and the murder of a Chinese man by British sailors, both sides dug in. In the name of free trade in 1840 the Brits seized a rocky island called Hong Kong, blockaded the Pearl – and later the Yangzi – rivers and sent in troops.

No match for modern European firepower, the Chinese had to settle and the 1842 Treaty of Nanjing became the first of the many "unequal treaties". The British got Hong Kong and smaller islands, ports were opened, compensation paid for the lost opium, missionaries allowed into China, foreigners relieved from trial by Chinese courts. France and the US piled in behind. In 1856-58 the process was repeated with the same results as the west penetrated the interior.

This is well known history to Chinese students. It is less well taught in British textbooks.

Given the history and given that I am trying to sell everything from Rolls-Royce engines to lingerie to my hosts I think I'd have put my poppy to one side for a day or two.

And yes this might have incurred the wrath of the Sun newspaper and readers but Rupert Murdoch has been kowtowing to Beijing to promote his business interests for decades.

Why not make a small gesture to a proud and sensitive political elite whose economic and political power is accelerating fast.

The rise of China is going to be the story of our lifetime – we had better get used to it.

Poppy-gate was arrogant and poor judgement.
 

For Canadians, the grass is greener on the other side

8 November 2010 - The Economist

For the past few months Calvin Rovinescu, the boss of Air Canada, has been telling anyone who will listen that Canada's airport authorities and government must start treating the country's airlines better. Aviation policies and high airport taxes, he says, are driving Canadians to discount carriers flying from nearby American airports.

The latest American encroacher is Spirit Airlines, a discount airline that will soon start flying out of Plattsburgh, NY, about one hour's drive from Montreal, and Niagara Falls, NY, about 90 minutes from Toronto (not including time spent crossing the border). Return flights from Plattsburgh to Fort Lauderdale, a favourite destination for sun-starved Montrealers, can be had for as little as $135, including taxes, from January 2011. You can get even cheaper flights if you join Spirit’s $9 Fare Club, which costs $59.95 a year. The lowest fare for a similar flight on Air Canada is about C$430 ($430).

Neither the minimal exchange-rate difference nor the extra distance flown have any great impact on the fares; but the heavy government subsidies that small American carriers receive, and the lower taxes they pay, certainly do. Plattsburgh airport estimates Canadians make up about 85% of its passengers each year and business is so good that Clinton County, which includes the airport, is looking at doubling the size of the facility. That success means Mr Rovinescu probably has a point. Then again, his airline does benefit from other aviation policies restricting choice in the Canadian market, such as those that keep foreign airlines off domestic routes and that have limited the expansion of carriers like Emirates....see below.

An aviation spat turns much sourer

8 November 2010 - The Economist (originally dated 15 October 2010)

Geopolitics has a nasty way of worming itself into any situation. Take the five-year dispute between Canada and the United Arab Emirates over increased landing rights in Canada for airlines from the UAE. After Canada decided to retain the status quo—six Toronto flights to be shared between Emirates and Etihad Airways—the UAE retaliated by evicting Canadian troops from the Camp Mirage airbase near Dubai, a staging point for troops and supplies on their way to Afghanistan. It had already refused to renew landing rights for Canadian military aircraft after their expiration in September. And on top of that, UAE officials lobbied against Canada’s bid for one of the non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, apparently because of Canada's “protectionist” trade policies and weak support for Arab causes in the region.

The UAE’s actions seem heavy-handed, given that the dispute is really a commercial one. On one side are the UAE-based airlines, which want to share daily flights to Toronto and gain entrance to Vancouver and Calgary. Emirates executives have argued that such an expansion could potentially create 2,800 jobs across Canada and generate up to $480m in additional economic activity. Those numbers convinced the premiers of Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia to support the proposal.

On the other side stands Air Canada, which has the most to lose since it’s the only major airline in Canada that flies to South Asia and the Middle East. Calvin Rovinescu, the CEO, says there isn’t enough traffic between the UAE and Canada to justify increasing flights and that any expansion would benefit the UAE's airlines while hurting Canada's national carrier and its partners. He believes the UAE airlines want to carry Canadians to and from India, Pakistan and other long-haul destinations using Dubai as a hub. And the Canadian government seems to agree—although it reportedly would have agreed to two extra flights to cities other than Toronto or allowed more flights if the number of seats stayed the same. But that concession would not have closed the “huge gap” between the two sides, according to a Canadian government source. Canadian government sources have since said they will not be “blackmailed” by the UAE’s decision to close the military base.

It’s not just Air Canada that is reacting to the rapid expansion of Middle Eastern airlines. European airlines are preparing to ask the European Union to limit the incursions carriers such as Etihad and Emirates can make onto their home turf, and request changes that will make it easier to get credit to finance the purchase of new aircraft. The latter request is apparently inspired by the government-backed financing that Gulf airlines receive in the form of export credits. “We can’t get access to cheap financing that others can, which is effectively a subsidy for airlines who are supposedly in a great state of financial health,” says Andrew Crawley, the director of sales and marketing at British Airways.

Gulf airlines did fare better than many other carriers during the downturn as they were able to capture long-haul connecting traffic from competitors in Europe, the Americas and Asia, according to the International Air Transportation Association. Paul Griffiths, head of Dubai Airports, suggests that the Dubai government merely treats its airlines properly. “The only thing Dubai is guilty of is providing an environment that actually supports aviation,” he said. “Most governments around the world treat aviation as a pariah, choking its growth with costly, misdirected regulation, instead of adopting policies that recognise its considerable socio-economic benefits and support its sustainable growth. They then compound the problem with parasitic forms of taxation that usually flow straight out of the sector.”

Whichever side you believe, now that geopolitical issues are involved it’s clear the ride could get bumpy. Who stands to lose most? The travellers.


Emirates versus Indian bureaucracy

8 November 2010

Now here is a likely waste of time and money; India's Director General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) has indicted Emirates Airline for the manner in which the pilot and other officials handled its Dubai-Kochi flight on April 25 that suffered air turbulence that left 18 passengers and one crew injured.

A report prepared by S. Durrairaj, inquiry officer, regional controller of air safety, southern region, said that prompt communication between the captain of the aircraft and the air traffic controller at Kochi was lacking during the incident.

The report said airline officials were trying to suppress information and had mentioned only one passenger was injured while the total number of people injured included one crew and 18 passengers.

The inquiry also found that the flight officials failed to inform the passengers at the right time to use seat belts when the aircraft suffered air turbulence.

The report said the airline be directed to tell its flight officials to see that they get in touch with air traffic controllers in time.

This flight hit clear air turbulence; invisible to radar. The crew will have dealt with the altitude change and securing the airplane before reporting the weather to ATC.

Thailand's silence on Burma poll is deafening

8 November 2010 - Bangkok Post


"Thai and foreign media held their breath when Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva made his first official trip to Burma just weeks before the country's first elections in 20 years. The visit turned out to be nothing more than a business trip, with the prime minister showing far more interest in inking a US$13 billion (390 billion baht) deep-sea port investment deal in Dawei, formerly Tavoy, than in discussing the upcoming elections.

Mr Abhisit's silence at this crucial time only assists the junta's efforts to legitimise ongoing military rule under a new "civilian" guise. It would be naive to think the Thai government was unaware of the consequences of its own policy. In fact, in its silence, Thailand is joined by China, India, and other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations who regardless of election-day ballot-stuffing, see these elections as a golden opportunity to justify increased trade and investment with their resource-rich neighbour.

There are two possible reasons for the Thai government's silence, one being its own tenuous position since the crackdown on red shirt protests earlier this year. Since May, Mr Abhisit has faced intense criticism for the 92 casualties of mostly unarmed civilians, putting him in a tough position to call for human rights, freedom of expression, and the release of political prisoners in Burma. The other more significant reason for Thailand's "golden" silence on Burma's politics is that it remains Burma's top trade and investment partner.

By putting short-term business interests first, Thai policy is not only destructive for Burma's people, but shortsighted for Thailand as well. In fact, the Yadana natural gas pipeline, in which PTTEP holds a large stake, has already proven to be one of the Burma regime's largest sources of income, and continues to be linked to killings and forced labour committed by the Burmese army, which provides pipeline security. Many villagers in the ethnic Karen areas surrounding the pipeline have been forcibly displaced, some joining the 2-3 millions of refugees and migrants who find a safe haven in Thailand. Local people rarely see the benefits of these so-called development projects, and in some cases such aggrieved populations have targeted international investments to express their discontent _ take for example the multiple bombings of China's dam in Kachin state in April.

Expected clashes between the Burmese army and ethnic armies that refused to give up their arms before the election will only contribute to instability along the border. By putting business ahead of politics, Thailand is not only contributing to Burma's threat to regional peace and stability but putting its own investments at risk.

In the run up to Burma's elections, democratic governments have responded in two main ways, with some boldly stating that the elections will in no way be free or fair, and others taking a "wait and see" approach. Thailand, on the other hand, has already sent clear signals through Mr Abhisit's business trip that it is willing to accept these elections as democratic progress, even if that couldn't be further from the truth.

During the Asean summit in Hanoi last month, the only regional governments daring to criticise the blatant election problems were Indonesia and the Philippines. By not speaking out while its more democratic neighbours do, Thailand has further proven that it is quickly losing its ground as a positive democratic force in the region.

If the Thai government wants to move beyond its shortsighted Burma policy, there are two things it can do. First, it can join critical voices inside and outside of Burma who understand that undemocratic elections without reconciliation will not lead to peace and stability. Second, as sitting president of the United Nations Human Rights Council, Thailand can join the global call for a UN Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and crimes against humanity. Such crimes will only increase post-election when the regime is likely to consolidate its power through attacks against ethnic armed groups. Despite Thailand's obvious stake in all of this, and its potential influence as Burma's neighbour and biggest investor, there is little promise that it will do either.

Kriangsak Teerakowitkajorn is a lecturer at the College of Interdisciplinary Studies at Thammasat University, Lampang. His research focuses on the impact of development projects in the Greater Mekong Sub-region. Emily Hong is a writer and advocate working to support Burma's democracy and ethnic rights movement. She is a contributor to the forthcoming book Nowhere to Be Home: Narrators from Survivors of Burma's Military Regime."

Emirates plane in Dubai airport touch and go

7th November 2010

An incident was averted earlier today at Dubai's airport when an Emirates flight took off mere seconds after touching down because another carrier was already on the same runway. Emirates 24-7 going for the sensational, and the implausible, says that a "major air disaster was averted."

"Emirates flight EK523 from Trivandrum to Dubai landed at 0722 on November 7, 2010. The aircraft initiated a go-around sequence at the time of landing, after momentarily touching the runway. This is a standard procedure initiated by crew or Air Traffic Control to ensure the safe operation of the flight," said an Emirates spokesperson.

"The safety of our passengers and crew is of paramount importance and will not be compromised,” the spokesperson added.

The near miss involved flight number EK523, an Airbus A330 arriving from the South Indian city of Thiruvananthapuram.

This must have looked good on the front view camera which Emirates switches on for landing. But that is the point. It was a clear morning. There are many planes landing. The plane in front probably missed its runway exit and was still on the runway as EK523 touched down. So the pilots, with the preceding plane in sight simply selected a go-around.

The only issue for the crew is that they were doing this after a 10 hour duty time overnight to India.

After climbing away from the airfield the captain apologised for the inconvenience, saying that because there was another plane already on the runway, he was forced to abort the landing.

Both Emirates Airline and Dubai Airports said they are investigating the matter. Not a big deal.

This is getting silly

7 November 2010

Remember the Emirates dispute with Canada?

Canada refused new landing slots to both Emirates and Etihad.

The UAE threw Canada out of Camp Mirage, its logistics base in Dubai.

Then the UAE refused to allow a Canadian government jet to land and refuel in the UAE.

This is second hand news, which I have not been able to verify but, reports from Canada's foreign affairs office indicate that as of Jan 2nd, 2011, all Canadians wishing to visit the UAE will have to obtain a Visa prior to traveling to the UAE. 30 day Visa's will no longer be issued upon arrival at the airport in the UAE.

This is foreign affairs masquerading as a business dispute and the only person who suffers is the traveler. So what next; will Canada close its airspace to UAE airlines. So far Canada has not been drawn into taking reciprocal action.

Journalism in the Gulf is losing its appeal

6 November 2010 - originally publishes in the Guardian on 3 September 2010 08.00

Hussain Ahmad is chief sub-editor at The Peninsula daily, Qatar

Recently a friend of mine who wanted to start a magazine in a Gulf country asked a prominent journalist in India to look for an editor to work with him. My friend wanted someone with modest experience and the salary offered was decent. After two months came the reply: the search in India had turned up nothing and, more surprisingly, many young journalists who were contacted didn't even bother to get the details of the offer.

This is not unusual. Across the Gulf, an increasing number of newspapers and other publications are finding it difficult to recruit journalists from India, and some have to contend with a depleting staff. Also, many Indians who joined the Gulf media recently have returned home.

This development marks a seismic change in the short history of English journalism in the Gulf. For decades, Indians have formed the backbone of the region's English-language press and currently constitute around 70% of its journalists.

So why is the Gulf losing its allure for Indian journalists? First, India is witnessing a media boom, which has resulted in an unprecedented surge in salaries. Television channels are proliferating, newspapers are on an expansion spree and new players are entering the market – all of which have opened up an Eldorado of opportunities for local journalists. At the same time in the Gulf, salaries haven't kept pace with galloping inflation due to the availability of cheap labour from a number of countries.

Secondly, journalism in the Gulf is not held in high esteem by media professionals in India, and Gulf experience adds no value to one's CV. Those who have had a long stint in the region admit it has been a drain on their creativity and a corrosive influence. There is no professional growth for a large majority, no freedom of expression and no competition, and journalism practised there is, at best, the PR variety.

Investigation into sensitive issues is unheard of. The Gulf governments tend to have an aversion to public exposure of anything negative and detest controversies. Even the local population doesn't expect foreigners to dig up anything murky, as it is seen as an intrusion. The lines are clearly drawn and foreign journalists should not cross them – unless they are prepared for a one-way ticket home.

In the Gulf, it's not governments alone that influence news. Commenting on an article I wrote in Cif recently about migration to the Gulf from the Indian state of Kerala, a reader said Indian journalists in the Gulf should highlight the exploitation of workers by companies, especially those managed by Indians.

He was perhaps alluding to the failure of Indian journalists to expose the violations committed by their own countrymen. This failure is a fact and is a rank example of both the helplessness and degeneration of Indian media workers. Businessmen are the biggest dispensers of gifts and favours to journalists, and the latter wouldn't do anything to invite their displeasure. Even if a few want to expose their misdeeds, they may not succeed because businessmen, as advertisers, have immense influence over media owners. This doesn't mean they routinely flout the laws, but that free and fair reporting is very tough.

Indian journalists working in the Gulf miss the influence and social status they enjoy back home. India has a free media and journalists have easy access to all centres of power. Politicians, bureaucrats and celebrities court them, and vice versa. Steady, stunning exposés of corruption in high places, controversies involving celebrities, and a stream of sensational stories make their career exciting.

For those who are used to such heady stuff, reporting on the routine activities of expatriate organisations and the inauguration of neighbourhood supermarkets in a Gulf country will appear not only utterly stupefying, but even outright trash.

The English-language media in this region will continue to be dominated by foreigners, Indians or others, for a long time. Gulf citizens are a rare sight in the newsrooms. Despite the vigorous nationalisation of jobs being undertaken by governments, there is no talk of representation of Gulf nationals in the English-language media. The reason: this is a creative profession that requires both skills and experience to excel, and Gulf citizens who enter the field don't have the patience to acquire both – at least, not for the salaries they are paid.

The new trend doesn't mean that Indians will soon empty out of the newsrooms. India has a huge reservoir of manpower; so replacement will not be a problem. But quality will certainly be a casualty if managements don't take corrective steps to retain and attract talent.

While I was writing this, my mobile phone rang. I answered the call and my colleague broke the news: he has submitted his resignation.

Swapping uniforms for suits

6 November 2010

Tomorrow the Burmese people go to the ballot box for the first time in 20 years.

A military regime has ruled since a 1962 coup and the ruling military has stacked the decks so thoroughly in its favor that the victory of army-backed parties is assured.

Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) was the winning party at the country's last polls back in 1990; the junta simply ignored the result and have held the lady under house arrest ever since.

At least people are voting. It may be the beginning of change. But Burma certainly won't become a democracy at the stroke of midnight on Nov. 7.

Under the new constitution which received a preposterous 93% approval from the "electorate" in 2008, the military has reserved 25% of parliamentary seats for itself. Key leadership posts, like the presidency, cannot be filled by civilians.

Still fearful of Aung San Suu Kyi the constitution included a rule that bars anyone who has been married to a foreigner, Suu Kyi's late husband was a British academic. Conveniently her most recent stint of house arrest expire just six days after the election.

Those opposition forces that have decided to contest the polls, around 30 disparate political parties and a dozen or so independent candidates, have complained of constant government-imposed obstacles to campaigning.

Opposition candidates cannot directly criticize the junta. They cannot organize mass rallies. They cannot even campaign in small groups without filling in reams of paperwork with local authorities. Such impediments, of course, don't hinder the military's proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), and, to a lesser extent, another government-associated bloc called the National Unity Party (NUP). The USDP, in particular, has enjoyed constant favorable coverage in the state-controlled media. It also can freely use state funds for campaign purposes.

Prying foreigners have been kept out of the country. And the country's Internet connection has been severely limited over the past week, a slowdown many suspect is an attempt by the government to keep a free flow of information from influencing the polls.

Independent monitors and foreign journalists have been banned from covering the balloting. The U.S., the E.U. and the U.N. have all warned that the election will be neither free nor fair.

Not content with the already considerable rigging in its favor, the junta in recent weeks has also canceled balloting in certain ethnic minority areas, deeming these pockets too unstable for voting. Roughly 40% of Burma's population hails from a diverse patchwork of ethnic groups, while the junta is exclusively ethnically Burman, also known as Bamar. Ever since the British departed in 1948, various ethnic rebel armies have fought against the central government. Although ceasefires have been signed with some of the biggest rebel groups, tensions between the Burman regime and the ethnic groups that are clustered in Burma's borderlands remain on a hair-trigger. Further inflaming anger was a decision last month by the junta's electoral commission to dissolve some ethnic minority parties that might have mounted a serious local challenge to the junta, such as the Kachin State Progressive Party that was likely to have garnered significant support in northern Kachin state.

Not that conditions are much better in regions where Burmans dominate. One weekday afternoon shortly before the election, at a time when campaigning would normally be in full swing in other countries, downtown Rangoon, the former capital, was unnaturally quiet, save for the sound of old diesel engines and betel nut juice being expectorated by pedestrians. Suddenly the silence was broken by a man in a green cap and longyi, as Burmese sarongs are known, broadcasting pledges through a megaphone. He was trailed by a dozen women, who handed out pamphlets to onlookers, few of whom looked eager to receive the campaign materials. "We will bring you uninterrupted electricity," said the candidate for the USDP, the junta's proxy party. "Clean streets and new buildings will be yours after the election."

But, and there is a but, dozens of opposition candidates have still decided to contest anyway against huge odds. Many are from the ethnic parties, who hope that victory will allow them a modicum of control over local government policies, ranging from the use of native languages to dispersal of tax revenue. (In the 1990 polls, the party that came in second after the NLD was one representing the Shan ethnicity.)

Other parties running on Nov. 7 are the tattered fragments of the non-racially based democratic opposition that trounced the junta's proxy party two decades ago. After Suu Kyi called for an electoral boycott earlier this year, a breakaway NLD group refashioned itself as the National Democratic Force (NDF). The party was only able to muster 160 candidates (in contrast to 1,100-plus for the USDP), in part because of more jiggering by the junta: opposition parties were only given a fortnight to find candidates, and each contender had to fork over a US$500 registration fee to the government-controlled election commission. That amount is roughly equivalent to what an average Burmese makes in an entire year. Since campaigning has begun, the NDF has complained of persistent government pressure, ranging from its few posters being torn down to its supporters being harassed by special branch police.

For the election winners; they get to go to the massive, gaudy parliament building in the new capital Naypyidaw.

Independent parliamentarians can expect intimidation. But they will be giving a small voice to the Burmese people. In a country with some of the most oppressed people in the world, that's almost more than anyone can really expect.

Of course the governments of India and China have been quick to praise the election as part of a "road map to democracy."

Anyone who thinks that the junta is giving up any of its powers has been deeply misled. The leaders may swap their uniforms for suits but nothing else will change.

European Union countries represented in Burma issued a complaint of their own yesterday. In a terse statement, they said that EU embassies in Yangon — those of Germany, Italy, France and the United Kingdom — would not accept government invitations to participate in "explanatory tours" on election day due to rules applying to the visits. The statement did not elaborate.

Western nations have said the junta's election plans don't meet acceptable standards of fairness. No surprise.

Potash wars

4 November 2010

Canada has rejected the Australian miner BHP Billiton’s $39bn bid for PotashCorp, dealing a potentially fatal blow to the Australian miner’s 10-week pursuit of the Saskatchewan-based fertiliser producer.

Tony Clement, Canada’s industry minister, said: “At this time, I am not satisfied that the proposed transaction is likely to be of net benefit to Canada [as required by Ottawa’s foreign investment law].”

This is a little naive. PCS is substantially managed from the USA already. BHP had committed to moving management back to Canada and investing in the Canadian operation.

Is this part of a play for a higher price; Mr Clement did note that under the legislation “BHP Billiton has 30 days to make any additional representations and submit any undertakings”.

Canada has only once before blocked a foreign takeover, rejecting Alliant Techsystems’ bid in 2008 for MacDonald Dettwiler on national security grounds.

The minority Conservative government has been torn between its professed support for liberalised trade and investment, and a groundswell of opposition against foreign control of a strategic resource. PotashCorp accounts for about a third of the world’s supplies of the food nutrient.

Emirates has faced similar issues with a supposedly pro-business government actually proving itself to be fundamentally protectionist.

Funny how the UK government had no problem with for instance Thomson Corp in Canada acquiring Reuters.  Yet the Saskatchewan premier has urged the government to “stand up for Canada” and its national strategic interests by rejecting the bid. “In this deal we would lose a proud Canadian company,” he said when he launched his campaign against the takeover last month.

Now the Australians have been rejected the Russians and the Chinese are seeking to acquire the company. Oh Canada, do you want an Australian mining partner to co-operate with or Russian or Chinese owners. PCS is for sale. Find the right purchaser.

SQ now delaying A380 flights

4 November 2010

Singapore Airlines will delay all flights on its Airbus A380 fleet pending precautionary checks after the same model operated by Qantas Airlines suffered engine failure, an official said on Thursday.

It was not immediately clear how many flights would be affected or for how long.

"Our engine manufacturer Rolls Royce and aircraft manufacturer Airbus have advised us to conduct precautionary technical checks on our A380 aircraft, following today's incident involving another operator's A380," Nicholas Ionides, Singapore Airlines' vice president for public affairs, said in a statement.

"Resulting from this development, Singapore Airlines will be delaying all flights operating our A380 aircraft."

SQ's A380s are, like those of Qantas, powered by Rolls Royce engines. The Emirates Airline A380s are powered by GE engines.

Qantas A380 suffers engine explosion

4 November 2010

Mishap prone Qantas Airlines became the first carrier to suffer a major A380 incident today when an engine explosion on climb out from Singapore left engine parts scattered over Batam and forced the plane to return to Singapore with over 400 very alarmed passengers.

Qantas described the problem as an "engine issue." The damage suggests this was rather more than an "issue."

They are clearly taking this incident seriously as the airline has now grounded its entire fleet of A380 aircraft saying that "we will suspend all A380 takeoffs until we are fully confident we have sufficient information about (flight) QF32," according to Qantas Chief Executive Alan Joyce. Qantas operates six A380s.

There is clear damage to the wing suggesting that it was punctured by debris. And the wing is full of fuel.

 

The wrecked engine after the plane landed in Singapore.

An image posted on Facebook of locals in Batam looking at debris.

An image of the Airbus wing posted on Twitter by a relieved passenger who tweeted  after landing: "Just emergency landed back in Singapore after engine two blew up at take-off and parts ripped through wings. Damn. "

QF32 was bound for Sydney with 433 passengers and 26 crew on board when the engine failed.

Indonesian authorities said there had been some sort of explosion over the island of Batam, just south of Singapore, at about 9.15am local time.

The explosion rained debris on a downtown area of Batam. Pictures on local television showed the Qantas logo on some of the debris.

Ignoring the evidence completely a Qantas spokeswoman said there was "no suggestion it's come from our aircraft".


No surprise from Singapore

3 November 2010

A Singapore court has found the UK author Alan Shadrake guilty of insulting the Singapore judiciary in a book he wrote about the death penalty. This wont come as a great surprise to anyone who followed this case.

The 75-year-old will be sentenced for contempt next week; he also faces trial on defamation charges.

In his book, "Once a Jolly Hangman - Singapore Justice in the Dock", he criticised how the death penalty is used, alleging a lack of impartiality.

On his conviction, he said he felt he had received a fair trial.

The Malaysia-based Shadrake was arrested in July when he visited Singapore to launch his book. This was not a smart move. Only the most naive would hav eassuemd that the Singaporeans would not be offended by his book.

"This is a case about someone who says among other things the judges in Singapore are not impartial... (and are) influenced by political and economic situations and biased against the weak and the poor," Justice Quentin Loh said.

The Straits Times reported that Justice Loh found Shadrake had included half-truths and falsehoods in his book.

The judge noted that 6,000 copies of the book have been sold so far, the newspaper reported.

If left unchecked, this would result in readers losing confidence in the administration of justice in Singapore, Justice Loh said.

The book contains interviews with human rights activists, lawyers and former police officers, as well as a profile of Darshan Singh, the former chief executioner at Singapore's Changi Prison.

It claims he executed around 1,000 men and women from 1959 until he retired in 2006.

The case has highlighted not just the use of capital punishment, but the broader issue of freedom of speech in Singapore where dissent is rare.

Human rights groups say the Singaporean authorities too often resort to the courts to silence their critics.

"I think I've been given a fair hearing," Shadrake told the media after the verdict was issued.

At the start of his trial, he had told the BBC he would never apologise: "I will not grovel to them, I will carry on this fight."

Separately, Shadrake is being investigated by the police for criminal defamation; his passport is being held by the police.
 

Mixed messages on the Middle East

2 November 2010 Flight Global

The Gulf carriers want greater access to the Australian and Canadian markets. Are they being blocked or encouraged?

Emirates and other Middle East carriers have asked Australia and Canada for more capacity, but the response from each has been dramatically different.

Australia has allowed Emirates and Etihad to operate 60 weekly non-stops into Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane and Perth combined, plus another 31 weekly one-stop flights. By contrast, each carrier enjoys only three weekly flights to Canada - all to Toronto. One market has been generous, the other closely guarded.

National carriers in both countries have criticised what they claim are the aggressive expansion plans of Emirates. The latest volley in this squabble is from Alan Joyce, chief executive of Qantas, who urges Australia to show more restraint in handing out capacity to Middle East carriers. "The capacity that these guys have been hammering on the door [about] for some time is available and they're not utilising [it]," Joyce told national media. Even now, he complains, Emirates is routing some non-stop services through Bangkok because of inadequate demand for the direct Dubai flights.

Calin Rovinescu, Air Canada chief executive, is more vocal, warning Canadian airports that Emirates' designs on Canada would turn their "hubs into stubs". The issue provoked lively debate between Rovinescu and leaders of the Middle East giants at June's IATA annual meeting in Berlin. Also, during the recent Routes Forum in Vancouver, Emirates senior vice-president for cargo Ram Menem joined the debate, calling "restrictive countries, such as Canada, pennywise and pound foolish".

With its current Airbus A380 loads to and from Toronto exceeding 90%, he says Emirates "would cherish the opportunity to operate more passenger flights into Canada". In an obvious attack on Canada, Menem added "some countries tend to protect the national carrier and miss out on greater opportunities".

Transport Canada will not publically enter a debate with any airline, but says the current bilateral grants sufficient rights to serve all origin and destination traffic between Canada and the United Arab Emirates. "UAE carriers transport a large number of passengers to third country markets," it notes. "This limits the number of seats available for people who want to travel between Canada and the UAE." Canada's regulator is in no hurry to grant more capacity to Emirates and Etihad.

A closer look at the Australian and Canadian markets offers clues as to why the two governments have such different attitudes. Emirates does not compete against any Australian carrier between Australia and Asia. It would make no sense for anyone flying between Australia and Asia to use Dubai as a connecting hub. In the first place, connecting is not necessary because of the number of direct Asia-Australia flights. And even if they did connect, Dubai is thousands of kilometres out of the way.

The real competition between Australian and UAE carriers is about Europe. Qantas only flies to London and Frankfurt in Europe, so passengers between Australia and any other European city must connect somewhere. Dubai and Abu Dhabi are just as well suited for this as London or Frankfurt.

The main threat UAE carriers pose for Qantas is in siphoning off Australia-Europe connecting traffic. Qantas carries enough O&D traffic between Australia and London and Frankfurt to allow both routes to survive even if every connecting passenger switched to Emirates or Etihad.

The plan by Qantas unit Jetstar to launch Singapore connections on some thinner routes into Europe and the Middle East does not change these realities. It is still a contest over who will carry the connecting traffic and where it will connect.

Canada's situation is both similar and different. As in the case of Australia-Asia, Emirates and Etihad are unlikely to divert Canada-Europe traffic because Dubai and Abu Dhabi are unnecessary connections too far out of the way.

The difference is that Air Canada operates 30 year-round routes between eight Canadian cities and 13 in Europe - even more in high season. Some, Air Canada says, are too thin to survive solely on O&D traffic. They are supported by traffic that continues beyond Europe - traffic that the Middle Eastern carriers might seek.

Air Canada's Rovinescu cites Ottawa-Frankfurt as an example. "When you look at who travels on this flight, only 15% are people going between Ottawa and Frankfurt. The other 85% are connecting in Frankfurt to fly somewhere else. If another carrier siphons off even just the 15% headed for the Middle East, then the route is no longer viable."

So Canadian transport officials fear that if they grant the UAE more capacity than its airlines need for O&D traffic, those carriers would divert connecting traffic from Canada-Europe. That would jeopardise the future of some of those thinner routes. This is a different issue than favouring one hub over another when traffic must connect somewhere. That is the situation in Australia. In Canada, it is a question of preserving routes. New long-range aircraft like Boeing's 787 may change these dynamics, but for now terms like "liberal" or "protectionist" seem inadequate to explain the different national interests at play.

The intensity of these interests is revealed by the recent threat from the UAE to end Canadian use of a military base near Dubai unless Canada grants more rights to Emirates and Etihad. Canadian troops use the base as a staging area for operations in Afghanistan. UAE's move threatens to escalate rather than resolve this dispute.


flydubai to where? - again

2 November 2010

flydubai took delivery of their 10th 737NG last week. Unable to fly to Indian destinations the airline continues to seek out ever more obscure place to fly to; the latest routes are to the KSA and Turkmenistan.

Dubai’s first low-cost airline will add flights to the Saudi city of Abha and the Turkmen capital Ashgabat this month to expand its network to 28 destinations.

Flydubai’s flights to Abha in the south-west of Saudi Arabia will be the first direct flights from the city to the UAE and we are confident there will be a significant demand for this route said flydubai.

Abha is the capital of Asir province, in south west Saudi Arabia. The city is a burgeoning tourist destination, with the summer Abha Festival a draw for visitors, as well as the incredibly impressive Al Habala village, which is 2,000 metres above sea level. The stunning site features stone and mud houses built precariously on the side of a steep slope. They are only accessible by cable car.

The moderate climate is also a major attraction for the city especially in the summer months – Abha sees the highest rainfall in the Kingdom, and is significantly cooler than other parts of the country, meaning it is a popular place to escape the summer heat.

Ashgabat, the capital of Turkmenistan is situated across the Caspian Sea from Baku, Azerbaijan, which has proven to be a good route since its launch last year. We believe Ashgabat will also develop into a successful route for flydubai. Central Asia is a growing market, and the nations in the region are beginning to flourish, attracting international business and tourism."

Turkmenistan is perhaps best known for its wonderful carpets and also for rich gas reserves.

The Turkmen capital, Ashgabat, is a relatively new city, but the historically significant Silk Road ran through the country, meaning there has been much activity and history in the area for many centuries.

The Parthian Empire was found in the area that is now Turkmenistan, and the Persians had a great influence on the region, meaning a trip to the Ashgabat National History Museum is well worth the effort.

Flights from Dubai to Abha begin on November 23, offering three-weekly flights on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays, until January 17, 2011 when flights will operate daily, a spokesman for flydubai said.

Flight FZ811 departs Dubai at 0100hrs, arriving in Abha at 0255hrs local time. The return flight FZ812 takes off for Dubai Terminal 2 at 0340hrs, landing in Dubai at 0715hrs UAE time.

The service to Ashgabat begins on Tuesday 30 November, flying twice a week, a company spokesman said. Flight FZ731 departs Dubai on a Tuesday at 0810hrs touching down in Turkmenistan at 1140hrs local time. Return flight FZ732 leaves on a Tuesday at 1225hrs, reaching Dubai Terminal 2 at 1400hrs.

FZ731 leaves Dubai on a Friday at 1150hrs, landing in Ashgabat at 1520hrs. FZ732 departs Ashgabat on a Thursday at 1605hrs and lands in Dubai at 1740hrs local time.

Like many of flydubai's new routes they would be better served by being connected to Emirates and sharing the same terminal facilities. While low cost routes to India may be about point to point traffic it is more likely that passengers from KSA and Turkmenistan would want to connect to other Emirates destinations.

Emirates half year profit surge

1 November 2010

Emirates airlines posted today a 351 per cent increase in net profits in six months, reaching 3.4 billion dirhams ($925 million ), on the back of growing customer demand, a statement said.

The Dubai national carrier said the net profits in the first half of its current financial year compared to 752 million dirhams in the corresponding period of the previous year.

The airline carried 15.5 million passengers recording a strong passenger seat factor at 81.2 per cent, the highest ever for a first six month reporting period. Premium class seat factors have also risen by 2.6 percentage points, reflecting an encouraging change in the global economic outlook.

“The results for the first half of the 2010-11 financial year are incredibly robust, and reflect Emirates’ success in growing customer demand, supported by investment in new aircraft, products and customer service. We continue to invest our profits in growing the business and our healthy financial position enables us to successfully meet all of our financial commitments and raise financing for future aircraft deliveries,” said Sheikh Ahmed bin Saeed Al Maktoum, Chairman and Chief Executive, Emirates Airline and Group.

Emirates’ revenue, including other operating income, of Dh26.4bn ($7.2bn) for the half-year represented a strong growth of 35.5 per cent compared to revenue of Dh19.5bn ($5.3bn) during the same period last year.

Emirates’ cash balances grew to Dh12.5bn ($3.4bn) at the end of September, a significant improvement of 18.5 per cent or Dh1.9bn ($529m) when compared to March 31, 2010. This increase in the cash balance was achieved after settling capital outflows of Dh2.4bn, primarily towards aircraft pre-delivery payment and other aircraft assets.

During the first half, the airline has also successfully raised financing of Dh4.6bn ($1.3bn). Fuel continues to be the most significant expenditure for the airline with operating costs up 22.6 per cent to Dh23bn.

Emirates SkyCargo has also seen a strong half year performance across the network, posting an increase in revenue of 48.4 per cent to Dh4.4bn, with cargo tonnage up by 23.7 per cent to 897,000 tonnes, compared with 725,000 tonnes for the same period last year. SkyCargo continues to post steady revenue growth contributing around 17.8 per cent of the airline’s transport revenue.