The hosts of the 2018 and 2022 World Cup finals will be
chosen on Thursday, bringing to an end more than three years of planning,
campaigning and lobbying.
Key members of England's bid team have been in Zurich since Saturday, with
Prime Minister David Cameron, Prince William, David Beckham and other
notable names arriving on Tuesday to complete a 30-strong delegation.
London 2012 Olympic chief Lord Coe, England's record goalscorer Bobby
Charlton and national manager Fabio Capello are among those involved in the
last-minute lobbying efforts.
To be honest, England, the 1966 hosts, have little chance.
After a period of informal lobbying, the candidates' final 30-minute
presentations begin on Wednesday afternoon at the lavish Home of Fifa - the
organisation's headquarters since 2006 in Zurich.
The five contenders for the 2022 tournament begin the proceedings with
Australia first followed by South Korea, Qatar, the United States and Japan
at hourly intervals.
At 0800 GMT on Thursday, the 2018 bidders start their final pitches.
Co-bidders Netherlands-Belgium begin proceedings followed by the joint
Spain-Portugal bid then England and lastly Russia.
Fifa's executive committee will then retire to vote in a secret ballot.
The executive committee is led by president Sepp Blatter and consists of
eight vice-presidents and 15 members appointed by the sport's confederations
and national associations.
However, Thursday's election will currently consist of 22 rather than 24
votes after the suspension of members Amos Adamu and Reynald Temarii over
corruption allegations.
Should Temarii waive his right to appeal against his year-long ban, Fifa may
allow Oceania to replace him on the executive committee, altering the
bidders' delicate calculations once more.
The victorious bidders for each tournament will be the first to gain an
absolute majority of 12 votes among the members.
If no bid obtains the required votes, the bid with the fewest votes is
eliminated and another round of voting begins, with the process repeated
until there is a winner.
Should two bids finish the process tied together with 11 votes each, Blatter
will have the casting vote.
The trouble with selecting both the 2018 and 2022 bids at the
same time is that their is huge potential for collusion. For instance if the
Middle East and South American votes can agree that they will vote for
Spain/Portugal in 2018 and Qatar in 2022. Qatar's
World Cup bid has been dogged by allegations of collusion with Spain over
voting for the 2018 and 2022 tournaments. Both bid teams deny the claims and
FIFA's ethics committee investigated the allegations, concluding on November
18 that it had not found 'enough' evidence to take action.
Now 2018 will be a European World Cup. That became clear
after Brazil won the 2014 World Cup.
It is also clear that FIFA want a China World Cup; it is the
last great untapped football market. It may well be that China has been
given the nod for 2026. If that is the case then Asia should not get the
2022 tournament.
The voters in Zurich will pick from four bids for the 2018 tournament --
England, Russia, Spain/Portugal and Netherlands/Belgium -- and five for 2022
-- United States, Japan, South Korea, Qatar and Australia.
It would be a surprise if there is a clear first round winner
for either contest so picking up votes after the first round, once rivals
had been eliminated is crucial. Successful bids will need to pick up other
country's votes as they fall out of the race.
England may have the infrastructure and the stadiums, but
FIFA President Sepp Blatter loves to give the World Cup to controversial
venues, as South Africans are only too aware after 2010. The Russians are
confident of at least ten votes. England's prying media have embarrassed
FIFA as well.
Spain and Portugal claim to have wrapped up eight votes already and are
second favourites behind Russia. The first round may go Russia 10, Spain and
Portugal 8, England 4 and Holland and Belgium maybe 0.
Russia will win. They are talking about large sums of money;
and maybe their stadiums wont become the white elephants that now lie empty
in South Africa. Further Russia has never hosted a world cup. Forget the
huge travel distances, and ignore the corruption and crime.
2022 gets interesting; assuming China in 2026 that rules out
the South Korean and Japan bids (they jointly hosted the 2002 tournament).
Australia is simply too small a domestic market, too far away, and in too
poor a timezone for the TV audiences. So that leaves it between the USA
(2004 hosts) and Qatar. Given the USA is hardly flavor of the month at the
moment it may be Qatar that wins. How bizarre and how money driven, not fan
driven, would that be?
Democrats win. Democracy loses.
30 November 2010
The verdict came as a shock to foreigners and Thais. The
Nation newspaper was predicting a six-hour read of the verdict. Instead it
took just forty minutes until the Constitution Court spared the Democratic
Party from dissolution by dismissing a charge of misuse of an election
grant.
Six Constitution Court judges yesterday voted 4:2 to drop the
case in which the party was accused by the Election Commission of misusing a
29 million baht grant from the EC during its campaigning for the April 2,
2005, general election.
The four judges who decided to throw out the case argued that the EC
chairman, as the political party registrar, had failed - as required under
the Political Parties Act - to submit the case to the court within 15 days
of being notified that the grant might have been misused.
Brilliant; so after months of deliberation the court simply
said that it could never have voted on the case anyway because it had not
followed legal process. This is the same court that was put in place after
the 2006 coup and which through out Thaksin's TRT and PPP parties.
The judges said the allegation that the party misused the grant came to the
attention of the political parties registrar on Dec 17 last year, but the
registrar only submitted the case to the court on April 26 this year.
This went beyond the 15-day time frame for submission of the case. This
meant the move to dissolve the Democrats was unlawful and therefore there
was no need to deliberate the rest of the legal issues related to the case,
the judges said.
Brilliant; their position is that no one can charge the court
of double standards as they could not hear the case anyway. It is their
fault, the EC, not ours.
Yet if it was a decision based on technicality, then the vote
should have been 6-0. The 2 who voted against must basically be saying that
15 day period doesn't exist. If it is a technical issue then the facts
should be black and white and the verdict unanimous.
So no one will ever opine on whether the Democrat Party had actually misused
the grant.
There is still a further case involving the alleged illegal
donation from TPI Polene; but the suspicion is that this may be dismissed on
the same technicality.
The Election Commission has been humiliated. There should be
mass resignations. But this is Thailand. A shrug of the shoulders will
suffice.
After a year of living dangerously, Dubai is getting back
to basics
29 November 2010 - The Guardian
Dubai will never be the same again. The tourists will still fill Jumeirah's
golden beaches, the traffic will speed dangerously along Sheikh Zayed Road
and the hedonistic bars and night clubs will still pulsate into the early
hours.
But the past year has utterly changed the ethos of the glitzy Gulf emirate.
The crisis that exploded a year ago has dealt a serious blow to Dubai's
self-confidence and its grandiose plans to be the Middle East's financial
capital.
The events triggered by what is known locally as 25/11 - the date on which
Dubai World, the heavily indebted conglomerate, told its creditors that it
could not repay about $US25 billion of debts as planned - will continue to
have profound effects on the economic, financial and political character of
the emirate.
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Dubai will recover, and may even in time regain some of its swagger, but it
will be a long process and the emirate that emerges at the other end will
not be the same brash millionaires' playground it was in early 2007.
In February of that year, Dubai's hubris was at its peak. Sheikh Mohammed
bin Rashid al-Maktoum, its ruler, forecast that by 2015, Dubai would be ''an
Arab city of global significance, rivalling Cordoba and Baghdad''. That his
benchmarks were the two urban jewels of Muslim culture at the height of the
mediaeval Islamic empire demonstrated the scale of the ambition.
The financial crisis has dashed that vision forever. The strategy was
predicated on annual growth in gross domestic product of 13.5 per cent a
year - always an ambitious target but now in the realms of fantasy.
Simon Williams, chief Middle East economist at HSBC, believes that GDP for
the United Arab Emirates as a whole (Dubai is just one emirate out of seven
making up the federation) fell by nearly 2.9 per cent in 2009, and will rise
by a modest 2 per cent this year and 4.1 per cent next. Given that most of
that will be led by the oil-rich capital Abu Dhabi, it is likely that
Dubai's growth will be negative this year and flat in 2011 - not the stuff
of Islamic imperial dreams.
''Although Dubai's recession is probably over, we fear the economy will
struggle to regain momentum this year and into 2011,'' Williams said.
Others are even more pessimistic. Christopher Davidson, reader in Middle
East politics at Durham University and author of a study of Dubai, said:
''Dubai is still very much in the midst of its crisis, as its decade-long
misadventure into real estate still has a good few years to play out due to
much more supply hitting the market and much more debt reservicing.''
The Dubai real estate boom was fuelled by the government's decision to allow
foreigners to own property in the emirate in 2002. The explosion in property
prices that followed reached its peak in early 2008, when some apartment and
villa prices were appreciating 10 per cent in a week. For a country without
significant reserves of oil in an energy-rich region, property became
Dubai's equivalent of the black gold, driving economic growth.
Those days will probably never return. JPMorgan, the US investment bank,
recently forecast that property prices would continue to fall until they
bottomed out at 80 per cent below 2008 levels. The fall is currently
estimated at 50-60 per cent of those values. There is more pain to come in
Dubai property.
More than half the near-1000 real estate projects in the emirate have been
cancelled, according to government statistics. Some of the big prestige
developments - such as the tallest building in the world, the Burj Khalifa -
have been completed or are still in progress, but the bread-and-butter
projects of the construction industry have been shut down. Orders for
cranes, which once dominated the city's skyline, have fallen 40 per cent.
With property in the doldrums, Sheikh Mohammed has had to rethink the
strategy. Now, according to the government's revised plan, the focus will be
on those core activities that made Dubai a thriving commercial hub before
the cheap-credit property boom: transport and logistics, the re-export
business, retailing, leisure and tourism.
The role of the financial services industry in this new scheme is uncertain.
If the bust of 25/11 was sparked by property, its most obvious effects were
apparent in the financial sector. Overnight, liquidity dried up and credit
was almost impossible to find. Credit default swap prices soared to
Icelandic levels. Banks that had lavished borrowings on Dubai's corporations
in the good years prepared for the inevitable hit to their balance sheets.
Dubai World's decision to appoint a chief restructuring officer - the
British accountant Aidan Birkett, hired from Deloittes - showed the
interdependence between property and finance. Many of the conglomerate's big
liabilities were contained within its Nakheel subsidiary, the developer of
the manmade islands that include Palm Jumeirah and other ''lifestyle
waterside developments'', which came to symbolise the emirate's brashness.
Birkett, a plain-speaking Geordie with experience of some of the biggest
corporate collapses in recent British history, saw the link between property
and finance early on. ''Fix Nakheel, and you go a long way to fixing Dubai
real estate; fix real estate, and you fix Dubai,'' he said.
Birkett's strategy was largely successful in persuading Dubai World's banks
to play ball. Appointed on November 25 last year, by May he had secured the
agreement of a majority of creditors, and in October he was able to quit the
CRO role with his job done and 100 per cent of creditors signed up to the
rescheduled repayment plan for its $US25 billion liabilities.
But Dubai is far from out of the woods. The Dubai World debts will now be
repaid in five to eight years, at lower interest rates, but those repayments
still have to be met. By any measure, the emirate still has a mountain of
debt.
The International Monetary Fund estimates its total indebtedness at $US110
billion, including the debts of central government, government-related
companies such as Dubai World, and other corporations. This is about 140 per
cent of GDP - putting the emirate above Greece and Ireland in the world debt
league.
Compounding Dubai's problems, much of this debt falls due in the short to
medium term. Some $US24 billion is repayable between now and the third
quarter of 2012, suggesting that a raft of restructurings are likely soon.
Dubai Holding, the conglomerate owned personally by Sheikh Mohammed, which
owns the Jumeirah hotels brand as well as the emirate's once gung-ho private
equity group, Dubai International Capital, sent a shiver through UAE markets
just before the Eid al-Adha holiday last week with a statement that it was
in talks with bankers to restructure its $12 billion or so of debts.
It had missed two debt repayments, and is in serious risk of a formal
default. It promises a resolution by the end of this month.
As well as rescheduling, Dubai has also said it will sell assets to repay
debts. Some of these will be baubles that the emirate picked up on
international markets in the boom years, from the New York retailer Barneys
to the Canadian entertainment group Cirque du Soleil and the cruise liner
QE2.
Others possibly earmarked for disposal or flotation on international markets
include the indigenous businesses built up as part of the core economic
strategy: Jumeirah hotels, Emirates Airlines and the DP World ports and
shipping group (which contains the old P&O business bought in 2006).
''Is Dubai going to sell the family silver to pay for its profligacy? That
would be a big blow to its pride,'' said a local banker.
In particular, another branch of the UAE family might object. Abu Dhabi, the
biggest emirate, which plays Washington to Dubai's New York, will want a say
in the fate of these and other assets regarded as core to the UAE's global
strategy. There are already plans to merge the Dubai and Abu Dhabi
sharemarkets, and there has been open speculation about Abu Dhabi taking
over Dubai's huge new airport, the modestly named Dubai World Central.
Perhaps the most significant change of the past year has been the
relationship between Dubai and the far richer but more conservative Abu
Dhabi. The capital bailed out Dubai with $US20 billion of loans at the
height of the crisis. These also have to be repaid and it is likely that Abu
Dhabi will ultimately want a different kind of return.
Davidson said: ''For the first time in 170 years, Dubai has lost its de
facto autonomy, given that its creditor and lifeline is now oil-rich Abu
Dhabi, which has clear and unashamed ambitions to centralise the UAE
federation and curb any autonomous macro-economic or political activity
within its borders.''
Apart from the possibility of Abu Dhabi taking over Dubai's assets, this new
subservience to the capital could make itself felt in two other ways, both
with serious implications for Dubai: the setting of the emirate's budgets
within the overall federal financial structure; and its relationship with
Iran.
If Abu Dhabi sets caps on the emirate's autonomous borrowing powers, it
could hinder Dubai's ability to debt-finance its recovery; and if, at
American urging, the capital forces Dubai to halt much of its trade with
Iran, which is just across the Straits of Hormuz, it would seriously impair
the role of Dubai as the region's commercial hub.
Iran is the UAE's biggest re-export partner, with trade worth about $US7
billion accounting for 17 per cent of its total re-exports. Most of this
goes through Dubai, and its loss would be a big blow.
Dubai still has big advantages over other would-be financial capitals in the
Gulf: the region's best infrastructure, the most liberal and cosmopolitan
environment of any Gulf state and a dynamic can-do ethos compared with that
of other Arab countries.
But a year of living dangerously has changed all the previous assumptions.
Now Dubai is getting back to basics, but with more uncertainties and less
self-confidence than ever.
Wilileaks tells us what we already knew
29 November 2010
The United States appears to be at the center of a diplomatic
crisis with the leaking to the Guardian and other international media of
more than 250,000 classified cables from its embassies, many sent as
recently as February this year.
Is this a crisis. No. But some of the diplomatic cables and
less than diplomatic. It also shows how hard it is to protect electronic
databases of information.
Is it right to publish: The Guardian asked should a newspaper
disclose virtually all a nation's secret diplomatic communication, illegally
downloaded by one of its citizens? Its answer was that:
"The reporting in the Guardian of the first of a selection of
250,000 US state department cables marks a recasting of modern diplomacy.
Clearly, there is no longer such a thing as a safe electronic archive,
whatever computing's snake-oil salesmen claim. No organisation can treat
digitised communication as confidential. An electronic secret is a
contradiction in terms.
Anything said or done in the name of a democracy is, prima facie, of public
interest. When that democracy purports to be "world policeman" – an
assumption that runs ghostlike through these cables – that interest is
global. Nonetheless, the Guardian had to consider two things in abetting
disclosure, irrespective of what is anyway published by WikiLeaks. It could
not be party to putting the lives of individuals or sources at risk, nor
reveal material that might compromise ongoing military operations or the
location of special forces.
In this light, two backup checks were applied. The US government was told in
advance the areas or themes covered, and "representations" were invited in
return. These were considered. Details of "redactions" were then shared with
the other four media recipients of the material and sent to WikiLeaks
itself, to establish, albeit voluntarily, some common standard.
The state department knew of the leak several months ago and had ample time
to alert staff in sensitive locations. Its pre-emptive scaremongering over
the weekend stupidly contrived to hint at material not in fact being
published. Nor is the material classified top secret, being at a level that
more than 3 million US government employees are cleared to see, and
available on the defence department's internal Siprnet. Such dissemination
of "secrets" might be thought reckless, suggesting a diplomatic outreach
that makes the British empire seem minuscule.
The revelations do not have the startling, coldblooded
immediacy of the WikiLeaks war logs from Iraq and Afghanistan, with their
astonishing insight into the minds of fighting men seemingly detached from
the ethics of war. The disclosures are largely of analysis and high-grade
gossip. Insofar as they are sensational, it is in showing the corruption and
mendacity of those in power, and the mismatch between what they claim and
what they do... Clearly, it is for governments, not journalists, to protect
public secrets. Were there some overriding national jeopardy in revealing
them, greater restraint might be in order. There is no such overriding
jeopardy, except from the policies themselves as revealed. Where it is doing
the right thing, a great power should be robust against embarrassment."
For the New York Times:
"But the more important reason to publish these articles is
that the cables tell the unvarnished story of how the government makes its
biggest decisions, the decisions that cost the country most heavily in lives
and money. They shed light on the motivations — and, in some cases,
duplicity — of allies on the receiving end of American courtship and foreign
aid. They illuminate the diplomacy surrounding two current wars and several
countries, like Pakistan and Yemen, where American military involvement is
growing. As daunting as it is to publish such material over official
objections, it would be presumptuous to conclude that Americans have no
right to know what is being done in their name."
Politicians and diplomats are up in arms; largely because
they have been caught with their hands in the cookie jar:
Italy's foreign minister, Franco Frattini, has rather
colourfully described the embassy cables as "the September 11th of world
diplomacy". Speaking on a visit to Qatar, he was quoted as saying that the
information would "blow up the relationship of trust between states".
The US ambassador to the UK, Louis Susman, caught biting the
hand that feeds him, has issued this tough statement."Releasing documents of
this kind place at risk the lives of innocent individuals – from journalists
to human rights activists and bloggers to soldiers and diplomats. It is
reprehensible for any individual or organization to attempt to gain
notoriety at the expense of people who had every expectation of privacy in
sharing information."
The state department condemned WikiLeaks for the release of
classified material and said that the release will place lives and interests
at risk.
The state department's legal adviser has written to Wikileaks founder Julian
Assange and his London lawyer, warning that the cables were obtained
illegally and that publication would place at risk "the lives of countless
innocent individuals … ongoing military operations … and cooperation between
countries".
Cables from the US embassy in Bangkok have not yet been
released though there is nothing more recent than February 2010 which must
come as a relief to the Thai government. Although there probably are cables
about the succession issue. The Thai media will not dare cover this!
The archive of cables are a historical treasure trove. And a
diplomat's nightmare! What did we learn:
1. Arab leaders were privately urging an air strike on Iran.
King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia urged the United States to attack Iran to
destroy its nuclear programme.One memo showed that the king told the United
States to "cut off the head of the snake," and said that working with
Washington to roll back Iranian influence in Iraq was "a strategic priority
for the king and his government."
Some of the middle east cables are very revealing; and what
is said privately is very different to the public message of Arab unity.
Arab governments won't know how to react now that Wikileaks is exposing
their dual positions regarding Iran, Israel and other Arab states. And the
muzzled Arab media will be very measured in their coverage.
2. US officials have been instructed to spy on the UN's leadership.
3. That the US and the UK had grave fears over the security
of Pakistan's nuclear weapons programme
4. The cables allege links between the Russian government and organised
crime......(really - is the world round!)
5. The US was very critical of the UK's military operations in Afghanistan.
6. Their are claims of inappropriate behaviour by a member of the British
royal family...(again, why would this be a surprise!)
7. China’s Politburo directed the intrusion into Google’s
computer systems in that country, a Chinese contact told the American
Embassy in Beijing in January, one cable reported. The Google hacking was
part of a coordinated campaign of computer sabotage carried out by
government operatives, private security experts and Internet outlaws
recruited by the Chinese government. They have broken into American
government computers and those of Western allies, the Dalai Lama and
American businesses since 2002, cables said.
8. American diplomats in Rome reported in 2009 on what their Italian
contacts described as an extraordinarily close relationship between Vladimir
V. Putin, the Russian prime minister, and Silvio Berlusconi, the Italian
prime minister and business magnate, including “lavish gifts,” lucrative
energy contracts and a “shadowy” Russian-speaking Italian go-between.
9. The close relationship between the USA and the UK will be damaged by some
of the dispatches from the London embassy of the US will make uncomfortable
reading in Whitehall and Westminster. They range from serious political
criticisms of David Cameron to requests for specific intelligence about
individual MPs.
In totality the cables contain specific allegations of corruption and
against foreign leaders, as well as harsh criticism by US embassy staff of
their host governments, from tiny islands in the Caribbean to China and
Russia. But they will not reveal much that we do not already know of suspect
about international leaders: some examples - there is a reference to
Vladimir Putin as an "alpha-dog", Hamid Karzai as being "driven by paranoia"
and Angela Merkel allegedly "avoids risk and is rarely creative". There is
also a comparison between Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Adolf Hitler.
The cables name countries involved in financing terror groups, and describe
a near "environmental disaster" last year over a rogue shipment of enriched
uranium. They disclose technical details of secret US-Russian nuclear
missile negotiations in Geneva, and include a profile of Libyan leader
Muammar Gaddafi, who they say is accompanied everywhere by a "voluptuous
blonde" Ukrainian nurse....again just one!
The big issue for Washington is that it now faces a difficult task in
convincing contacts around the world that any future conversations will
remain confidential.
The electronic archive of embassy dispatches from around the world was
allegedly downloaded by a US soldier earlier this year and passed to
WikiLeaks which has then made them available to the Guardian and four other
newspapers: the New York Times, Der Spiegel in Germany, Le Monde in France
and El País in Spain. All five plan to publish extracts from the most
significant cables, but have decided neither to "dump" the entire dataset
into the public domain, nor to publish names that would endanger innocent
individuals. WikiLeaks says that, contrary to the state department's fears,
it also initially intends to post only limited cable extracts, and to redact
identities.
How secure was this information - apparently more than 3 million US
government personnel and soldiers, many extremely junior, are cleared to
have potential access to this material, even though the cables contain the
identities of foreign informants, often sensitive contacts in dictatorial
regimes. Some are marked "protect" or "strictly protect".
But the fact that 3million people could see these documents
puts them in the public domain already. So why the surprise and shock at
their release? The US argues that
since the attacks of 9/11, the US government has taken
significant steps to facilitate information sharing. These efforts were
focused on giving diplomatic, military, law enforcement and intelligence
specialists quicker and easier access to more data to more effectively do
their jobs.
So why the fuss only now - when it was as long ago as the
spring that 22-year-old intelligence analyst Bradley Manning was charged
with leaking many of these cables, along with a gun-camera video of an
Apache helicopter crew mistakenly killing two Reuters news agency employees
in Baghdad in 2007, which was subsequently posted by WikiLeaks. Manning is
facing a court martial. Hopefully Reuters will help with the defence costs.
Asked why such sensitive material was posted on a network accessible to
thousands of government employees, the state department spokesman told the
Guardian: "The 9/11 attacks and their aftermath revealed gaps in
intra-governmental information sharing. "
He added: "We have been taking aggressive action in recent weeks and months
to enhance the security of our systems and to prevent the leak of
information."
The biggest revelations may in fact impact the Arab nations -
where the reality of Gulf relations can no longer be denied. How will Iran
respond to such naked Arab hostility puncturing diplomatic niceties?
Nothing earth shattering; some high quality gossip; some
embarrassing revelations; some diplomatic discomfort.
But really these documents confirm what we already suspected.
The question we do need answered is who was the misbehaving
royal and what did he do ?
Abhisit's last days?
29 November 2010
Hated by the reds - regarded with contempt by the yellows;
Thailand's puppet Prime Minister looks like he will not be in power for much
longer. Maybe not past today.
At 2pm today what is left of the constitutional court will
pass judgment on whether the Democrats misused state funds in its political
campaigns. The ruling Democrat Party made its closing argument this
morning.Mr. Abhisit and party leaders have denied any wrongdoing.
The arguments are summarised in a graphic in the
Nation newspaper which you can read here.
It is unclear which way the court will lean. It may decide to ban some party
executives from politics for a maximum of five years while leaving the
Democrat Party intact. The party is also accused of receiving an undeclared
political contribution. The court also may choose to ban top politicians
such as Mr. Abhisit and dissolve the party, or it may choose to take no
action at all.
Thailand's recent political turmoil will likely weigh heavily on the outcome
of the case, and the verdict could trigger more tension in this
already-divided nation.
One potential outcome is that Deputy Prime Minister for
security affairs, Suthep Thaugsuban, would be made acting prime minister if
Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva is banned from politics following the
dissolution of the ruling party.
Another verdict may be a high score draw. There should be
nine judges. There are now only six. A hung vote is very possible. Three of
the judges have stood down after taking legal action in respect of video
clips released in YouTube which allege irregularities in the court's
handling of the dissolution case and the court's recruitment process for its
staff.
No embarrassed resignations from these judges; just a legal
case in the Criminal Court suing people that they allege are responsible for
the release of the videos. Apparently caught red handed the judges sue the
messenger. It is an interesting response.
The country's judicial system is accused by the Democrat Party's political
opponents of being biased in favor of Mr. Abhisit's party, which broadly
represents the country's traditional ruling establishment. Since a military
coup ousted former populist leader Thaksin Shinawatra in 2006, the same
court has taken action to bring down two populist governments and have
outlawed two pro-Thaksin parties, Thai Rak Thai and the People Power Party.
One pro-Thaksin prime minister, the late Samak Sundaravej, was removed in
2008 for receiving token payments to appear on a television cooking show.
Another government led by Mr. Thaksin's brother-in-law fell later that year
after the Constitutional Court convicted it of electoral violations,
enabling the rival Democrat Party to put together a new coalition
government.
Political analysts say a court verdict to dissolve the Democrats could go a
long way to easing opposition criticism about the political and judicial
system being rigged in the establishment's favor.
However, dissolution likely means “the military will simply
oversee another shotgun marriage of disparate political interests in a new
coalition government,” PSA Asia, a Bangkok-based security and risk
consulting company, said in a report today.
While Democrat leaders publicly say they have no contingency plan to cope
with an adverse court verdict and expect to be exonerated, Thai observers
suggest Democrat authorities have already set up a smaller party to absorb
Democrat politicians and stay on as head of the ruling coalition in the
event that the Democrat Party is dissolved.
Still, Thailand's powerful armed forces, which helped put the ruling
coalition government together, would be taking a substantial risk by
allowing such a political realignment take place, analysts say. Mr.
Thaksin's supporters in the opposition might gather fresh momentum amid the
confusion and refocus their challenge to the government, six months after a
series of violent clashes between antigovernment protesters and troops on
the streets of Bangkok earlier this year.
At least 91 people were killed in that conflict, badly tarnishing the
country's international reputation and cementing deep divisions in a country
badly polarized by its mostly-urban middle class and bureaucratic and
military elites on one hand, and a mostly rural opposition bloc who support
Mr. Thaksin and are lobbying for a greater say in how Thailand is run.
One year on - Dubai begins to rebuild
28 November 2010
The Independent
Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, the ruler of Dubai,
had a dream to create a city rivalling the finest in Islamic history, and
spearheaded one of the most extraordinary building drives in recent memory.
Then, a year ago, one of the emirate's biggest conglomerates admitted it was
struggling to pay its creditors, and it all came crashing down.
Twelve months on, signs of cautious optimism are emerging. Rodney Wilson, a
professor at the Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies at Durham
University, said: "Dubai had grandiose ambitions that verged on the surreal.
Reality has set in now. They are not out of the woods but things look a lot
better."
The emirate's government is believed to be preparing a $1.5bn Islamic bond
to issue to Malaysian investors. This comes just months after its $1.2bn
sovereign bond was fully taken up, in what was its first credit market
activity since last November. Turker Hamzaoglu, the chief Europe, Middle
East and Africa economist at Bank of America Merrill Lynch, said: "The
market now believes things are getting better; we expect Dubai to issue more
bonds."
Signs of a slowdown in Dubai's real estate market emerged in the middle of
2008. Yet it was an announcement on the eve of Eid al-Adha, a three-day
Muslim holiday, that sent shockwaves around the global markets, prompting
fears of sovereign debt default well before such talk hit Europe. Dubai
World, a state-backed conglomerate, revealed that it had been unable to
service its debts and had asked its creditors for a six-month grace period
to get its house in order. While the problem of its $25bn debts was a
commercial one, the company's close links with Dubai's ruling family
immediately raised fears over the state of the emirate's finances, and
whether it would default on its Islamic bond payments.
The news sent investor confidence in Dubai to an all time low and when its
exchange re-opened after the holiday, the index slumped 7 per cent.
The shock announcement also raised questions over the emirate's lack of
transparency, the strength of its governance controls and the relationship
between the government and state-backed companies.
Sheikh Maktoum's father started plans to offset Dubai's lack of oil or
natural gas by establishing a trading centre for the Middle East in the
1950s. His son's plans were more ambitious still, aiming to create a
thriving financial services industry and a glamorous tourist destination.
These plans included the development of Burj Khalifa, the tallest building
in the world, and the Palm Islands, three artificial islands shaped like
palm trees. Last year, Jim Krane, author of Dubai: The Story of the World's
Fastest City, said: "When you start building a third island shaped like a
palm tree, intending it to be as big and crowded as Manhattan, you are
crying out for a sober voice to bark: Stop." The roots of last year's crisis
came from Dubai's heavy borrowing from abroad to fund its staggering
infrastructure programme.
The problems at Dubai World a year ago came from its property arm Nakheed,
which was unable to service its bonds. Yet the real estate boom had already
slowed, with property prices spiralling down by more than 70 per cent. Some
believe prices will fall further. More than 400 projects were cancelled, and
the third palm island was put on ice.
After the debt crisis hit, the International Monetary Fund downgraded its
forecast for Dubai. The rating agency Standard & Poor's followed as it
downgraded five state-backed companies to below investment grade.
Dubai's oil-rich neighbour Abu Dhabi stepped in with a $20bn bailout
package, and it succeeded in bringing stability back to the troubled
emirate. Mr Hamzaoglu said there were no longer fears that Dubai would
default, and the belief was that it would will "muddle through". Analysts at
Citi have estimated that the economy will grow 1.6 per cent this year.
There are still significant issues facing Dubai. BofA Merrill Lynch
estimated that its loans and guarantees amounted to $150bn, $18bn of which
need servicing next year.
Dubai has also suffered as all the pillars supporting its economy have been
damaged in the downturn. Not just real estate and financial services, but
trade, tourism and shipping have all struggled. Sheikh Maktoum is now
concentrating on several key industries – including transport, retail and
tourism – to drive the recovery.
One of the main problems brought on by the crisis was more intangible. Jim
Krane said: "There is still an air of shame." Another big consequence, he
said, was that the loss of autonomy to its neighbouring emirate had damaged
the state. "Abu Dhabi has more leverage now, and that is hurting Dubai's
recovery. The bail-out has cost it dearly"
Yet investors are certainly more upbeat despite the black clouds. Rob Lay,
head of Europe, Middle East, and North Africa for Barings Asset Management,
said: "Last year's events were a real shock, especially as it was the first
time in the region." Yet appetite is back, and Barings opened a Dubai office
last month. "Clients have moved beyond it. Last year was a painful process
but confidence is returning and last year is increasingly seen as a blip,"
Mr Lay said. His optimism was reflected by the reception of the emirate's
recent bond issue.
Mr Krane said: "The wild predictions from the West never came to pass. The
infrastructure is there and it is a better proposition than a year ago. It
still offers the best lifestyle and social freedoms and amenities in the
region. Dubai stumbled badly and needs to reset its course, but this is
still its game to lose."
Dubai in numbers
$112bn The total value of Dubai's debt, according to estimates from Barclays
Capital. The figure equates to 140 per cent of its gross domestic product.
$31bn The debt that is due to mature in 2011 and 2012, excluding borrowing
that Dubai has already arranged to restructure. Some $16bn is due next year
alone.
11% The contribution of Dubai's property sector to its GDP this year, down
from 14 per cent last year and 17 per cent in 2008.
-2.5% Dubai's economic growth rate during 2009, compared to an expansion of
5.7 per cent in 2008. HSBC thinks the figure this year will be 2 per cent,
rising to 4 per cent in 2011.
Tiger Woods's Dubai dream evaporates in the desert
28 November 2010 - extracted from
The Observer
The decline and fall of "brand Tiger Woods" is a story best
told by a journey, along the Emirates Road to the south of Dubai and then
left and down an unmarked road.
Drive for a mile over the speed bumps, past an abandoned security hut, until
Tarmac becomes gravel and then another mile until the gravel becomes sand,
and there it is: The Tiger Woods Dubai. The first golf course in world
designed by the man many consider, or at least considered, the greatest ever
to play the game.
Read the three-year-old press releases and gasp at the numbers. Fifty-five
million square feet. Two hundred "residences" – £7m villas, £10m mansions
and "palaces". A boutique hotel, a spa and a Michelin-starred restaurant.
And then the centrepiece: the Al Ruwaya Golf Club. Eleven thousand imported
trees; 22m cubic meters of earth to be moved; and 3m square feet of water.
An 18-hole masterpiece hewn from the sand. All hail the winner of "best golf
development" at the 2008 Arabian Properties Awards. Estimated total cost on
completion: $1.1bn.
Now gasp at the tumbleweed reality on the morning of 27 November 2010, the
first anniversary of the car crash that led to the world's richest and most
famous athlete falling to earth. The Tiger Woods Dubai: a dust-bowl, an
empty car park, an "Arabian palace" as real as a Hollywood film set.
Like so much else in post-boom Dubai, the palace is a facade, propped up by
wooden beams. Behind it lies a collection of portable cabins that in the
glory days of the economic boom served as a sales office. These days the
salesmen have gone, to be replaced by a handful of cleaners and maintenance
staff trying to keep alive what is left of the $1.1bn fantasy.
There is not much; a scale model of the proposed development in one of the
rooms, some dusty furniture and a telephone long disconnected. What has
happened to Tiger Woods Dubai? "No comment. I don't know,'' said a
Dubai-based spokesman for IMG, the sports agency that represents Woods
around the world, while repeated attempts to contact the Dubai Properties
Group, the government-controlled company that now owns the development, are
met with no response.
Six holes have been completed and the outline of 12 more are in place, all
behind a fenced-off compound hidden away from public view. Ghostly fairways
lined by 3,000 trees, with 8,000 more stored under canvas. Will the project
ever be finished? "Who knows? It could be great if it ever gets finished,
but we don't know if it will ever get finished," says one member of the
staff. "They better make a decision soon because we are struggling to keep
the desert at bay."
The urgency is understandable. It takes one million gallons of water a month
to keep the vegetation alive – an inconsequential financial indulgence in
2008 but an unsustainable loss in these straightened times. There are
options. Either abandon Tiger Woods Dubai to nature, or turn it into an
exclusive golf retreat for high-rollers brought in from the downtown palaces
such as the £1,500-a-night Burj al Arab. A decision is expected before
February, when Woods will arrive here to play in the Dubai Desert Classic.
The smart money around town is on the return to nature. After all what use
is a billionaires playground when there are no billionaires?
"Why Dubai?" said Tiger Woods when asked why he had chosen to build his
first golf course design in the Emirates, thousands of miles from his home
in Florida and a world away from the Old Course at St Andrews, the links
lay‑out designed and built by nature he has always described as his golfing
lodestar. "Dubai is basically in the biggest, greatest and newest of
everything."
Maybe so, but we can assume that money played a hugely significant part in
the decision. Neither Woods nor his people ever discuss the vulgar subject
of money, but no one in the business of golf has ever confused this
reticence with modesty. In the era of the global sporting superstar, Woods
was bigger than anyone. He worked hard to attain that status, was proud of
it and was well aware of its worth. How much was he paid to put his name and
apply his expertise to the Tiger Woods Dubai?
A figure as high as $25m was bandied around when Woods came here to launch
the project in the autumn of 2008. But as time passed and Dubai's
property-based economy collapsed, so the numbers have been rounded
downwards. "Realistically, I have heard the fee was $10m, and not all of
that was up front,'' one leading sports agent said last week. "But the real
big money was in the 'back end' of the deal; the royalties he would have
received from the sales. That could have run into tens of millions."
Such vast sums sound outrageous today but there was a time when Dubai
gloried in the obscenity of wealth. It was willing to gamble millions to
attract billions, and in that context the appropriation of the Tiger Woods
brand seemed like a one-way bet. And for a short period of time it was, with
the then project manager Abdulla al‑Gurg claiming in the autumn of 2008 that
35% of the development's properties – some of them priced as high as £25m –
had been sold. Gurg has since left, but one member of staff who has been
around since the start confirms the early successes.
"The place was buzzing. You would come in here every morning and find the
sales staff had put up yet another red triangle [signifying a sale] on the
map. There were always potential buyers around the place, being taken out
for site visits,'' he says. The first signs of trouble came at the end of
2008, as economies around the world began to crash. Dubai's was more heavily
leveraged than most and as it result it crashed harder. Properties prices
fell 30% in a matter of months, while the market for high-end developments
such as the Tiger Woods Dubai simply vanished.
In March 2009, it was quietly announced the scheduled opening date for the
real estate side of the development had been pushed back. "We are
prioritising the golfing components – the course, the clubhouse and the
academy," Gurg said.
Three month's later, guardian.co.uk revealed the golf course itself was
being delayed until 2010, prompting Woods into an embarrassing public loss
of face. "The delay is six months as of right now,'' he said. "Obviously,
the economy has turned over there and they've slowed down construction
because of it. The economy needs to turn around. If it gets stimulated, we
can pick up to the point where we might open earlier, but who knows? It's
out of my hands."
Flying into trouble
25 November 2010
Maclean's
magazine - Canada
The inside story of Canada’s fight with the United Arab Emirates and how
it went so wrong
In early October, Canada’s armed forces learned they had just one month to
pack up and move a key Mideast military base used to support the war in
Afghanistan. Located in the United Arab Emirates, Camp Mirage has been used
primarily as a transfer point for Canadian Forces flying to and from
Kandahar. For the past eight years, it had provided the Forces with a safe
place to land and refuel hulking Hercules transport planes while weary
soldiers relaxed at a makeshift camp, complete with a ball-hockey rink.
But the desert oasis, a short drive from Dubai’s beaches and air-conditioned
shopping malls, ceased to be part of the military’s operations as of Nov. 3,
following a high-level spat between Ottawa and the U.A.E. over commercial
airline flights between the two countries.
It was an abrupt end to a long-standing strategic relationship between the
countries, and it sent the military scrambling. “It’s a pain in the ass for
all these guys who are supposed to be doing other things,” says Douglas
Bland, the chair of defence management studies at the School of Policy
Studies at Queen’s University. “Now they have to stop, pack up and move all
of this equipment.” At no small cost: by some estimates $300 million.
So why, exactly, did Canada and the U.A.E. let an argument over business
destroy nearly a decade of co-operation in the war against terrorism? Ottawa
insiders say Prime Minister Stephen Harper was infuriated by the U.A.E.’s
decision to try to use the base as leverage in a trade dispute. But there is
also evidence to suggest Air Canada was able to convince cabinet ministers
that the U.A.E.’s state-backed airline, Emirates, was a major threat bent on
taking over the international market—even though what was really on the
table were flights to just a few major Canadian cities.
Like everything in Dubai in recent years, Emirates is the product of the
government’s lofty ambitions. The airline’s jaw-dropping growth over the
past two decades—it’s in the process of doubling its fleet of nearly 150
aircraft—is closely tied into efforts to make Dubai a global hub for
business and tourism. Already Emirates, which flies 14 double-decker Airbus
A380s and has another 76 on order, flies to every continent (except
Antarctica) with a business model built on frequent flights between big hub
airports like London, Frankfurt and New York.
Canada, however, has proved to be a tough nut for Emirates to crack. The
airline is currently permitted just three flights a week to Toronto. And
despite more than five years of heavy lobbying that won support from
consumer groups and even Alberta Premier Ed Stelmach, Transport Canada has
consistently rebuffed requests to give Emirates permission to offer four
more flights a week to Toronto and launch daily flights to Calgary and
Vancouver. “We feel the rights under the current agreement meet the current
demand,” says Transport spokesperson Patrick Charette. A spokesman for
Transport Minister Chuck Strahl, meanwhile, said Ottawa would monitor air
travel between the two countries and make changes as warranted.
It’s not the outcome the U.A.E. had been hoping for. Officials became
agitated by the “protectionist” attitude of Canadian bureaucrats earlier
this year, according to industry and political sources familiar with the
negotiations. So, when Canada’s rent-free lease on Camp Mirage expired in
late June, sources say the U.A.E. agreed on an extension providing that
Ottawa take a fresh look at the issue. An informal committee was created in
July and three Canadian representatives travelled to Dubai the following
month for a meeting that apparently went nowhere. “It was terrible,” said
one industry source. “They flew all that way and stated that [Canada] had
nothing to offer. The U.A.E. was stunned.” Another meeting took place in
Paris in September. Canadian representatives brought with them a revised
offer, although sources say it was actually viewed by the U.A.E. as being
worse than the status quo.
Sources say that House leader John Baird was a key player when it came to
setting Ottawa’s tough tone throughout the negotiations. As a former
transport minister, he presided over Air Canada’s liquidity crisis in 2009,
which ultimately resulted in a $250-million government loan designed to keep
the airline in the black. But it was during a meeting U.A.E. officials had
with Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon in late September in New York
when tensions boiled over. “By all accounts it was a horrendous meeting,”
says one person familiar with the U.A.E.’s approach to the talks. (Almost no
one involved would speak on the record about the high-level discussions.) It
was at that point that bilateral relations between the two countries broke
down and it became clear there would be no more renewals of the lease on
Camp Mirage, leaving the military to relocate operations to Germany and
Cyprus. For his part, Cannon told Maclean’s that Canada expects to maintain
a “positive” relationship with the U.A.E..
In early October, a C-17 jumbo transport carrying Defence Minister Peter
MacKay (who was keen to find a resolution to the dispute), Gen. Walter
Natynczyk and Veterans Affairs Minister Jean-Pierre Blackburn was denied the
right to land at Camp Mirage on its way back from Afghanistan. The
development was followed by rumours that Ottawa had banned cabinet ministers
from flying on U.A.E.’s airlines—which government officials later denied—and
a decision by the U.A.E. to require Canadians visiting the country to begin
carrying visas.
It’s a resounding failure of diplomacy and trade negotiations on both sides.
While it’s true, as Transport Canada suggests, that there isn’t a huge
demand for travel between Canada and the U.A.E., observers say there is
nevertheless a significant number of Canadians who would likely jump at the
chance to use Dubai as a way to connect to destinations in the Middle East,
Africa and the Indian subcontinent—regions of the world where Emirates
operates an extensive network, but Air Canada doesn’t fly to directly.
Air Canada, however, convinced Ottawa that Emirates represents a mortal
threat to many of its European routes—particularly from secondary Canadian
cities like Ottawa, Halifax and Edmonton, which are padded with passengers
who are trying to get to, say, India, but must first fly Air Canada to
Frankfurt before connecting on Lufthansa, a Star Alliance partner. “What you
would end up having is one or two fewer flights to London or Frankfurt out
of Toronto, and no flights to Europe out of Halifax, Ottawa, Edmonton and
Calgary,” said an industry insider familiar with Air Canada’s network. Of
course, that assumes people in most of those cities would prefer to fly to
Toronto to catch a flight on Emirates to Dubai, and then connect a third
time to their final destination, as opposed to just making one connection
onto Air Canada’s partners in London or Frankfurt.
Regardless, Air Canada CEO Calin Rovinescu commended Ottawa’s “backbone” for
standing up to the U.A.E., arguing in a speech last week that Canada should
only sign open skies agreements with countries where there is significant
two-way travel. “We are not supportive of demolishing our hubs and
gateways,” he said. Rovinescu has previously accused Emirates of being a
foreign predator that intends to flood the Canadian market with cheap seats
in a bid to steal market share, calling it “a state-owned carrier with
access to virtually unlimited capital”—a charge Emirates emphatically
denies.
Air Canada isn’t the only one complaining. Last month, Pierre-Henri Gourgeon,
the CEO of Air France-KLM Group, told Bloomberg that Europe needed to
“resist” the encroachment of Emirates and other Gulf carriers. He made the
remarks prior to a meeting of the Association of European Airlines, where
the heads of British Airways and Lufthansa were expected to discuss the
issue further.
Still, industry observers wonder whether there was truly no middle ground
between Canada and the U.A.E.. “If things had been left to run their course,
I believe the U.A.E. would have come away with some enhanced access,” says
Robert Kokonis, a Toronto-based airline consultant. He says the U.A.E.’s
mistake was to link the issue of a military base to the dispute, a decision
he argues was likely made because Emirates is under pressure to find homes
for the huge number of planes that it ordered prior to the global recession.
“That’s why they are taking such a bullying approach,” he says, adding that
he thinks that Harper was right to take a hard line against such tactics.
But Ottawa is also partly to blame for this mess. One of the reasons Air
Canada is fighting tooth and nail to keep Emirates out is because it knows
it can’t compete with the Gulf carrier’s low-cost structure, which stems in
part from Dubai’s decision to promote the airline industry, not treat it as
a cash cow. Canadian airlines, by contrast, are saddled with steep taxes on
jet fuel, security fees and an airport rent scheme that has made hubs like
Toronto’s Pearson International Airport among the most expensive in the
world for airlines to operate in—a criticism levelled by both Air Canada and
foreign airlines alike.
What’s also being lost in the debate is what is best for consumers. Ottawa’s
protectionist stance risks putting the country out of step with the rest of
the world as it rapidly moves toward more open regimes that encourage
competition and lower prices, and which has spawned a new generation of
airlines that are eager to shake up the industry. “The world has changed,”
says Andrew Parker, Emirates’ senior vice-president of public, government,
and environment affairs. “It’s 1950s-era thinking that looking after a
country’s flag carrier is in the national interest.” And it comes with a
21st century price tag, as our armed forces have just learned the hard way.
Emirates and Qantas planes '40 seconds from collision'
25 November 2010
It is strange that this story is only becoming public now Fairfax Media in
Australia reports today that two passenger jets, one from Emirates and one
from Qantas, narrowly avoided colliding over rural Australia on 3 September
last year after an air traffic controller cleared both planes to fly at the
same level, Australian media has reported.
Apparently an Emirates Boeing 777 flying from Melbourne to Singapore and a
Qantas 737 flying from Sydney to Adelaide almost collided above the
Victorian town of Mildura after an air traffic controller cleared both
planes to fly at 30,000 feet.
The planes, carrying a combined 443 people, were on a collision course that
went undetected for more than 17 minutes, according to an Australian
Transport Safety Bureau investigation launched into the incident.
A report on the investigation said the planes were less than 19 kilometres
apart and closing fast. The air traffic controller then attempted to contact
with the Emirates pilots three times, without success, but when the gap had
halved to 9.1 kilometres, he radioed the Qantas pilots to turn right and
climb 1000 feet, which they did.
An aerospace engineer told Fairfax Media that, at a pace of 10 kilometres
per minute, the planes were only about 40 seconds from hitting had evasive
action not been taken.
Since both planes presumably had TCAS there was little chance
of a collision actually happening.
Pilot fatigue debate reaches UAE media
25 November 2010
It is good to see the issue of airline crew fatigue being
aired in the UAE media. I think anyone flying in and out of the Middle East
needs to know that this is a concern to many pilots that fly in this region.
The following letter was published yesterday after 7Days
reported the UAE's GCAA as stating that they received no fatigue based
safety reports from air crew. Yet anyone connected to the industry knows
that fatigue is a recurring issue in safety reports raised by cabin crew and
pilots. In addition it is only a week ago that the Indian authorities blames
the Air India Express crash at Mangalore on a tired pilot after a long
overnight turn to Dubai.
"In 7DAYS, dated November 23, the General Civil Aviation
Authority (GCAA) stated that ''pilot fatigue is a serious threat to air
safety, but they have not received any complaints from airmen about being
overworked''.
Surely there must be some mistake - the airline I fly for, based here in the
UAE, averages about five Air Safety Reports on the issue of crew fatigue
every week.
This is published data that legally has to be recorded by all airlines and
one would hope, acted upon in the name of flight safety.
So what is going on? Is the company not showing these reports to the GCAA,
or are the GCAA choosing not to act on them? The GCAA as airline industry
regulator here has a duty to ensure UAE-based airlines operate safely, and
audits companies here appropriately (one would hope).
Should we as pilots stop reporting fatigue issues, in the knowledge that
neither the company nor the GCAA seems interested in doing anything about
this problem?
Somehow, I feel the travelling public would not be too happy with that
concept.
If the GCAA wants pilots to report safety matters directly to them via their
Report Of Safety Incident (ROSI) system, then the airlines in the UAE need
to ensure that their non-punitive, open door safety culture is exactly that.
Perhaps it is time for the major airlines to publicly state where they stand
on the issue of fatigue and culture of safety reporting.
Name withheld
Dubai"
Emirates wish list
25 November 2010
Tim Clark, the President of Emirates Airline gave an interview in Paris this
week where he urged Airbus SAS to boost the range of the biggest version of
its new A350 wide-body plane as Boeing Co. ponders a redesign of the
competing 777 model.
Emirates, whose outstanding orders for the 777 will make it the twin-jet’s
biggest user, needs higher-capacity aircraft for its longest
inter-continental routes.
Emirates has ordered 20 350-seat A350-1000s for delivery in 2015; but this
model cannot reach Los Angeles non stop from Dubai in the three-class layout
that Emirates prefers. The Boeing planes that it currently uses on the route
are based on a less efficient 20-year-old design, with the 354-seat
777-300ER at the limits of its range, curbing the payload, and the 777-200LR
limited to 266 people.
Clark said that the smallest aircraft that is useful to us needs to be 340
seats so he is looking to Airbus to realign the A350-1000 increasing both
its capacity and its range.
Emirates has ordered a total of 70 A350s, including 50 of the -900 variant,
which can fly 200 miles further than the -1000 but which carries only 300
people in three-class configuration. The biggest Arab airline also has
options on a further 50 A350s and signed a letter of intent firming up 30 of
those in 2008.
Clark also said that Emirates is equally interested in a new 777 if Boeing
revamps the model enough to deliver significant savings.
With its 787 Dreamliner yet to enter service, Boeing plans to decide next
year whether to commit to a full redesign for the 777 or build a new wing to
boost performance, something the Chicago-based manufacturer began discussing
in June 2009.
Emirates needs are for a plane that is lighter, with or without composites,
and more fuel efficient. The plane would need to fly from Dubai to Los
Angeles in 16 1/2 hours with a payload of 35 to 40 metric tons, compared
with a maximum 30 tons today.
Clark said Emirates could place more orders for the A350 and
the 777 for use on its longest routes if the aircraft are developed to its
satisfaction.
For Boeing, a revamped or all-new 777 would fill a gap in its lineup above
the 290-seat Dreamliner. Emirates has about 90 777s in operation or on
order, making it the model’s top user.
Airbus’s A380 superjumbo could also feature in Emirates’s reckoning on
very-long-haul flights as the aircraft’s weight is gradually reduced, Clark
said. The Dubai-Los Angles route is within the model’s range, according to
the Airbus Website.
Emirates will introduce the A380 to Tokyo’s Narita airport as soon as next
September, when it begins taking the next batch of six to nine jets, due for
delivery through March 2012, the CEO said. That will take the fleet to
between 21 and 24 planes.
Bookings remain “very strong” on routes already served by the A380 and show
no sign of suffering from the Nov. 4 engine blowout on a Qantas Airways Ltd.
plane powered by Rolls-Royce Group Plc turbines. Emirates’s superjumbos are
equipped with engines from a General Electric Co.-Pratt & Whitney venture.
Among the Dead After Phnom Penh Stampede
24 November 2010 -
The Atlantic
The current death toll is close to 460 and this is likely
to increase.
On the board outside a Cambodian military hospital that had
taken some of the nearly 400 killed in a still-unexplained stampede at Phnom
Penh's annual Water Festical, all but one of the faces was identified only
by a number and letter. D10 had her eyes half-open. D09 wore a striped
sweater; his face was locked in a grimace. D06 and D05 had curly hair and
wore pink sweatshirts-they looked like sisters. D08 had a stream of black
hair fanned out beneath her, as if she were underwater.
Only D01 -- tiny, with bangs and a polka-dotted shirt -had a name: Chhan
Chhorlida.
Chhorlida's brother, Chhan Kimly, hovered over a railing near the photos,
keeping a close watch on his sister's frozen face. "That's my younger
sibling," he repeated several times. "I'm her older brother."
Nearby, Phan Tun pushed her way to the front of the crowd to look at the
photo board. She saw what she had been dreading. "Dead, dead, they're all
dead!" she shrieked into a cell phone, convulsed in tears.
The morning after a massive holiday stampede that has emerged as the
deadliest peacetime disaster in modern Cambodian history, thousands of
families embarked today on a grim march around Phnom Penh's hospitals,
scrutinizing corpses and snapshots of corpses for the faces of their
children.
There were many to see: the death toll stood at 379 when authorities stopped
counting at 4 pm today, with at least 750 more injured. Cambodia's prime
minister, Hun Sen, said it was the country's greatest tragedy since the
Khmer Rouge, which killed millions in the 1970s.
Survivors described chaos and blinding terror at the scene of the stampede,
a bridge leading to a new island development, Diamond Island. The bridge,
strung with fairy lights and capped with massive fake gemstones, is formally
called Diamond Bridge, but city residents have already started to refer to
it as Spean Khmouch: the Bridge of Ghosts.
Diamond Island itself is home to a motley collection of attractions that can
look odd to Westerners, but have come to captivate Cambodians over the past
few months. In a country that claims only two playgrounds and a handful of
movie theaters, the island's merry-go-rounds, ersatz Greco-Roman pergolas,
ice sculptures, and electric light shows draw large crowds.
The island was packed with visitors on Monday, the last night of Cambodia's
annual Water Festival, which serves the same function here as Bartholomew
Fair might have in 17th-century England. Simply put: everyone comes.
This is still a nation largely made up of small-scale, far-flung rural
farmers. But during the three-day festival, seemingly all of them make their
way to the city. They pack themselves into convoys of makeshift trucks and
trailers, often squeezing 10 or 20 to a car, doing anything and everything
possible to get to the bright lights of Phnom Penh.
Many villagers spend the whole holiday camped on the banks of the Tonle Sap
and Mekong Rivers watching the boat races, fireworks and pop concerts of the
festival, which celebrates the end of the rainy season and the beginning of
the rice harvest.
The population of Phnom Penh swells by around 3 million people during these
three days, but city officials don't keep close tabs on this figure, and
police rarely seem willing or able to control the crowds. They routinely
accept bribes to let vehicles past roadblocks into the city's riverside
area.
The crowds in Phnom Penh for Water Festival can be terrifying, almost
beastlike. They often seem to move as a single body, flouting traffic laws,
taking over entire boulevards, colonizing parks and pagodas, leaving massive
piles of debris in their wake. That annual mayhem reached what may have been
its inevitable conclusion on Monday night.
Survivors spoke of a mob packed so tight it was as if their limbs were glued
together, of lying crushed beneath piles of bodies for more than four hours
before rescue came. Although the timeline of events is still sketchy --
partly because it took emergency responders almost an hour to fight their
way through the throngs to get to the scene -- many on the bridge reported
feeling electric shocks just before the panic, or having seen others get
shocked. Some said police had shocked them with batons; others said that
shoddy wiring on the bridge's decorative lights had shocked them after
police doused them with water.
Police have vehemently denied all these claims, and the government has
mounted a vigorous response to the disaster, anticipating political backlash
and serious questions over its handling of the festival's logistics. It
immediately set up three committees to deal with the stampede and offered
$1,200 -- a small fortune here -- to each victim's family. Even Hun Sen, a
strongman who has held power here for most of the past three decades,
publicly apologized.
But this was small consolation to today's mourners.
At the hospital's photograph board, Phan Tun recognized her niece, who she
said had gone to Diamond Island with a cousin.
"They should not have died," she said through tears. They are young. It is
the first and the most terrible and massive amount of death I've ever seen
before."
Behind her, a line of people filed silently into the hospital's makeshift
morgue to look for their dead. Inside, two barefoot corpses lay on the
floor, a bunch of bananas and a bundle of smoldering incense set out as
offerings at their feet.
Eight other bodies lay in another room, a heap of empty bottles of
formaldehyde on the floor. Chheang Nhil, a medic, was injecting the
preservative into each corpse so they wouldn't decompose in the tropical
heat, and stuffing their mouths and noses with wads of cotton.
At Calmette Hospital, one of the city's biggest, desperate family members
peered through flaps in a tent set up in the courtyard that served as a
morgue for the 140 corpses that had been brought there.
Sam Pov, 43, was hovering above the body of his sister-in-law, 18-year-old
Sann Ra. He displayed her national ID card and a portrait of her bright,
eager face, framed by a pair of turquoise earrings. The girl's mother stood
to one side, weeping wildly. Mr. Pov said both of Ra's parents had attempted
suicide by jumping into the river after they discovered their daughter was
dead.
Next to Ra's family, Nget Sokhoeurn kept vigil over the body of his
15-year-old nephew, Lanh Tou. He had placed a scrap of Cambodian ritual
fabric over the boy's face and a bowl of rice porridge at his feet.
"I am hoping my nephew's dead soul is not going to become a hungry ghost,"
he explained. "The fabric is to offer him magic to go to a happy and new
life."
Doctors at the hospital reported many cases of shock, severe bruising and
bone fractures, especially from those who had tried to jump off the bridge
in panic. Calmette was clearly struggling to handle the sudden influx of
wounded, and dozens were sprawled on mats in corridors, many of them too
weary or shocked to speak.
At another hospital, the emergency ward was filled with 49 survivors, twice
as many anxious relatives, and the sickly-sweet fumes of ponlei, a
traditional herbal remedy. In the hospital's dirt courtyard,139 corpses were
being identified, packed into military trucks, and sent off en masse to
their home provinces. By 1 pm, five trucks had already departed and bodies
were being packed into a sixth. The hospital had the air of a bus station.
"Kompong Cham province, Kompong Cham, Kompong Cham, Kompong Cham!"
authorities barked into megaphones as families waiting by bodybags began to
line up and heave their corpses onto the truck.
"I don't want to cry, but I can't stop," said Chea Phearun, a heavily
tattooed soldier who was mopping his eyes with his shirt. "I cannot curb my
tears. The tears drop because I feel so sorry to see the bodies of a nephew
and two nieces lying along here. ... They should not have died. They should
have been able to grow up to lead and help their country."
Outside the hospitals, the city's streets were quieter than usual. Near the
Bridge of Ghosts, which was still carpeted with the scattered shoes of the
dead, crowds gathered to mourn and speculate. Many stared in disbelief,
standing on motorbikes to get a better look at the empty bridge.
"This bridge should be knocked down," said 47-year-old Soum Bunna. "It has
bad memories for people. A terrible thing occurred there. I used to cross it
all the time, but now I don't want to cross again. I don't even want to say
the name anymore."
Second blast ends all hope
24 November 2010
Police have confirmed there was an explosion at the Pike
River coal mine on the West Coast today and they believe there is no chance
of any of the 29 miners survived.
Families of the miners were told in Greymouth this afternoon there was an
explosion at 2.37pm, bigger than last Friday's, and all hope was now lost.
Very sad. Families need answers - they believe the recovery
effort was too slow. And a full investigation of what triggered the first
explosion is needed.
Kuwait bans digital slrs
23 Septmebr 2010
It is not a country that I have much interest in visiting.
And if I did visit, I would have to leave my camera behind. As
photographers in Kuwait are now facing a ban on the use of larger digital
cameras in public places, according to a local media report.
Three government ministries in the Gulf state have outlawed the use of
"digital SLR" (single lens reflex) cameras in public for all citizens except
accredited journalists, according to the Kuwait Times.
The Ministry of Information, the Ministry of Social Affairs and the Ministry
of Finance implemented the ban late last week, according to the
English-language newspaper. Smaller digital cameras and mobile phones are
understood to be exempt from the ban.
The government has yet to issue a statement on the reported ban.
The Kuwait Times reports: "What most Kuwaiti photographers have come to
wonder is how such a decision could be reached by authorities, especially
considering digital cameras and cell phone cameras have the same abilities.
Digital SLR cameras may have been targeted as "big black camera[s] tend to
worry people", the newspaper said. "Taking a picture of a stranger would
seem like much less of an issue if you were using a more discreet camera or
even a cell phone."
All Kuwait news media must obtain licences from the Ministry of Information,
which regulates the publishing industry. A 2010 report on press freedom by
campaign group Reporters without Borders gave Kuwait the top ranking among
all Gulf states in terms of the freedom of its newspapers, despite the
convictions of a number of high-profile bloggers in recent years.
Mohamed Abdel Qader Al-Jassem, a lawyer and prominent blogger, was jailed in
Kuwait City on Monday evening after being found guilty of "attacking
national unity" and defaming the prime minister.
One year on
23 November 2010 -
The Guardian
"Dubai will never be the same again. The tourists will still
fill Jumeirah's golden beaches, the traffic will speed dangerously along
Sheikh Zayed Road, the hedonistic bars and night clubs will still pulsate
into the early hours.
But the past year has utterly changed the ethos of the glitzy Gulf emirate.
The crisis that exploded a year ago has dealt a serious blow to Dubai's
self-confidence and its grandiose plans to be the Middle East's financial
capital.
The events triggered by what is known locally as 25/11
(ed - curious - I have never heard that term used in Dubai!)
– the date on which Dubai World, the heavily indebted conglomerate, told its
creditors that it could not repay about $25bn (£15.6bn) of debts as planned
– will continue to have profound effects on the economic, financial and
political character of the emirate.
Dubai will recover, and may even in time regain some of its swagger, but it
will be a long process and the emirate that emerges at the other end will
not be the same brash millionaires' playground it was in early 2007.
In February of that year, Dubai's hubris was at its peak. Sheikh Mohammed
bin Rashid al-Maktoum, its ruler, forecast that by 2015, Dubai would be "an
Arab city of global significance, rivalling Córdoba and Baghdad". That his
benchmarks were the two urban jewels of Muslim culture at the height of the
medieval Islamic empire demonstrated the scale of the ambition.
The financial crisis has dashed that vision forever. The strategy was
predicated on annual growth in gross domestic product of 13.5% a year –
always an ambitious target but now in the realms of fantasy.
Simon Williams, chief Middle East economist at HSBC, believes that GDP for
the United Arab Emirates as a whole (Dubai is just one emirate out of seven
making up the federation) fell by nearly 2.9% in 2009, and will rise by a
modest 2% this year and 4.1% next. Given that most of that will be led by
the oil-rich capital Abu Dhabi, it is likely that Dubai's growth will be
negative this year and flat in 2011 – not the stuff of Islamic imperial
dreams.
"Although Dubai's recession is probably over, we fear the economy will
struggle to regain momentum this year and into 2011," Williams said. "The
emirate continues to be weighed down by the excesses of earlier years."
Others are even more pessimistic. Christopher Davidson, reader in Middle
East politics at Durham University and author of a study of Dubai, said:
"Dubai is still very much in the midst of its crisis, as its decade-long
misadventure into real estate still has a good few years to play out due to
much more supply hitting the market and much more debt reservicing."
The Dubai real estate boom was fuelled by the government's decision to allow
foreigners to own property in the emirate in 2002. The explosion in property
prices that followed reached its peak in early 2008, when some apartment and
villa prices were appreciating 10% in a week. For a country without
significant reserves of oil in an energy-rich region, property became
Dubai's equivalent of the black gold, driving economic growth.
Those days will probably never return. JP Morgan, the US investment bank,
recently forecast that property prices would continue to fall until they
bottomed out at 80% below 2008 levels. The fall is currently estimated at
50%-60% of those values. There is more pain to come in Dubai property.
(ed- the fact is arriving in Dubai and and no one can upgrade because they
cannot sell existing properties).
More than half of the near-1,000 real estate projects in the emirate have
been cancelled, according to government statistics. Some of the big prestige
developments – such as the tallest building in the world, the Burj Khalifa –
have been completed or are still in progress but the bread-and-butter
projects of the construction industry have been shut down. Orders for
cranes, which once dominated the city's skyline, have fallen 40%.
With property in the doldrums, Maktoum has had to rethink the strategy. Now,
according to the government's revised plan, the focus will be on those core
activities that made Dubai a thriving commercial hub before the cheap-credit
property boom: transport and logistics, the re-export business, retailing,
leisure and tourism.
The role of the financial services industry in this new scheme is uncertain.
If the bust of 25/11 was sparked by property, its most obvious effects were
apparent in the financial sector. Overnight, liquidity dried up and credit
was almost impossible to find. Credit default swap prices soared to
Icelandic levels. Banks that had lavished borrowings on Dubai's corporations
in the good years prepared for the inevitable hit to their balance sheets.
Dubai World's decision to appoint a chief restructuring officer (CRO) – the
British accountant Aidan Birkett, hired from Deloittes – showed the
interdependence between property and finance. Many of the conglomerate's big
liabilities were contained within its Nakheel subsidiary, the developer of
the manmade islands that include Palm Jumeirah and other "lifestyle
waterside developments", which came to symbolise the emirate's brashness.
Birkett, a plain-speaking Geordie with experience of some of the biggest
corporate collapses in recent British history, saw the link between property
and finance early on. "Fix Nakheel, and you go a long way to fixing Dubai
real estate; fix real estate, and you fix Dubai," he said.
Birkett's strategy was largely successful in persuading Dubai World's banks
to play ball. Appointed on 25 November last year, by May he had secured the
agreement of a majority of creditors, and in October he was able to quit the
CRO role with his job done and 100% of creditors signed up to the
rescheduled repayment plan for its $25bn liabilities.
But Dubai is far from out of the woods. The Dubai World debts will now be
repaid in five to eight years, at lower interest rates, but those repayments
still have to be met. By any measure, the emirate still has a mountain of
debt.
The International Monetary Fund estimates its total indebtedness at $110bn,
including the debts of central government, government-related companies such
as Dubai World, and other corporations. This is about 140% of GDP – putting
the emirate above Greece and Ireland in the world debt league.
Compounding Dubai's problems, much of this debt falls due in the short to
medium term. Some $24bn is repayable between now and the third quarter of
2012, suggesting that a raft of restructurings – smaller than Dubai World
but still onerous – are likely soon.
Dubai Holding, the conglomerate owned personally by Sheikh Mohammed, which
owns the Jumeirah hotels brand as well as the emirate's once gung-ho private
equity group, Dubai International Capital, sent a shiver through UAE markets
just before the Eid al-Adha holiday last week with a statement that it was
in talks with bankers to restructure its $12bn or so of debts. It had missed
two big debt repayments, and is in serious risk of a formal default. It
promises a resolution by the end of this month.
As well as rescheduling, Dubai has also said it will sell assets to repay
debts. Some of these will be baubles that the emirate picked up on
international markets in the boom years, from the New York retailer Barneys
to the Canadian entertainment group Cirque du Soleil and the cruise-liner
QE2.
Others possibly earmarked for disposal or flotation on international markets
include the indigenous businesses built up as part of the core economic
strategy: Jumeirah hotels, Emirates Airlines and the DP World ports and
shipping group (which contains the old P&O business bought in 2006).
"Is Dubai going to sell the family silver to pay for its profligacy? That
would be a big blow to its pride," said a local banker.
In particular, another branch of the UAE family might object. Abu Dhabi, the
biggest emirate, which plays Washington to Dubai's New York, will want a say
in the fate of these and other assets regarded as core to the UAE's global
strategy. There are already plans to merge the Dubai and Abu Dhabi stock
markets, and there has been open speculation about Abu Dhabi taking over
Dubai's huge new airport, the modestly named Dubai World Central.
Perhaps the most significant change of the past year has been the
relationship between Dubai and the far richer but more conservative Abu
Dhabi. The capital bailed out Dubai with $20bn of loans at the height of the
crisis. These also have to be repaid and it is likely that Abu Dhabi will
ultimately want a different kind of return.
Davidson said: "For the first time in 170 years, Dubai has lost its de facto
autonomy, given that its creditor and lifeline is now oil-rich Abu Dhabi,
which has clear and unashamed ambitions to centralise the UAE federation and
curb any autonomous macroeconomic or political activity within its borders."
Apart from the possibility of Abu Dhabi taking over Dubai's assets, this new
subservience to the capital could make itself felt in two other ways, both
with serious implications for Dubai: the setting of the emirate's budgets
within the overall federal financial structure; and its relationship with
Iran.
If Abu Dhabi set caps on the emirate's autonomous borrowing powers, it could
hinder Dubai's ability to debt-finance its recovery; and if, at American
urging, the capital forces Dubai to halt much of its trade with Iran, which
is just across the Straits of Hormuz, it would seriously impair the role of
Dubai as the region's commercial hub.
Iran is the UAE's biggest re-export partner, with trade worth about $7bn
accounting for 17% of its total re-exports. Most of this goes through Dubai,
and its loss would be a big blow, both financially and culturally.
Dubai still has big advantages over other would-be financial capitals in the
Gulf: the region's best infrastructure, the most liberal and cosmopolitan
environment of any Gulf state and a dynamic can-do ethos compared with that
of other Arab countries.
But a year of living dangerously has changed all the previous assumptions.
Now Dubai is getting back to basics, but with more uncertainties and less
self-confidence than ever."
Missing the point
22 November 2010
In Bangkok in the last month, three constitutional judges
were caught on film meeting with the Privy Council chairman to discuss the
Tory dissolution case. They were then filmed discussing favoured court
appointments.
Despite TV and news coverage the three judges do not seem to
think they have done anything wrong. They would have resigned in any country
where the rule of law works
Instead the three Constitution Court judges filed a lawsuit
today with the Criminal Court against two people and a newspaper for
defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act over video clips which
were released on YouTube, allegedly with the intention of ruining their
reputations.
Maybe a better way to help their reputation is to tell the
truth, say you were misled and that lessons have been learned.
Named defendants in the lawsuit are Pasit Sakdanarong, who was dismissed as
secretary to Constitution Court president Chat Cholaworn after the release
of the first sets of video clips, Puea Thai Party spokesman Prompong
Nopparit, and Matichon newspaper.
The judges - Jaroon Inthacharn, Supoj Khaimuk and Chalermpol Ek-uru - had
lawyer Napol Arun-asirakul file the lawsuit on their behalf.
The lawsuit stated the alleged offences happened between April 26, when the
Constitution Court accepted for consideration a case filed by the Election
Commission seeking the dissolution of the Democrat Party for alleged misuse
of the political party development fund, and Oct 29.
During that period, a group of people including Mr Pasit and Mr Prompong
filmed video clips to disseminate false information to attack the
Constitution Court with an intention of destroying its credibility,
according to the lawsuit.
On Oct 14, the group using the login name "ohmygod3009" posted the first set
of five video clips on YouTube.
The first clip was entitled "Prem [Privy Council chairman Prem Tinsulanonda]
met Constitution Court judges, discussing ways of helping the Democrat Party
in the dissolution case."
The second featured a meeting between Mr Pasit and Democrat MP Wirat Romyem.
The third, fourth and fifth clips featured Constitution Court judges
discussing ways of making EC chairman Apichart Sukhagghanond speak in favour
of the Democrat Party.
On Oct 17, Mr Prompong held a press conference to tell the public of the
clips.
On Oct 29 three more video clips were posted by the same group of people on
YouTube. They were aimed at implicating three judges in alleged
irregularities over the recruitment of court officials.
On Oct 30 Matichon newspaper, operator of website www.matichon.co.th, ran
texts of those video clips on the website and invited viewers to see the
clips on YouTube.
The named defendants had defamed the judges and violated the Computer Crimes
Act, the lawsuit said.
The court accepted the lawsuit for consideration.
Mining miracle unlikely in NZ
22 November 2010
After the worldwide joy at the rescue of the Chilean miners
the plight of 29 Miners in New Zealand is especially sad. Four days ago an
underground methane blast trapped the miners after a powerful and sustained
explosion.
Toxic methane gases continue to prevent rescuers from
entering the Pike River coalmine on the South Island's rugged west coast.
Hopes of finding the miners alive are fading after several setbacks
including the breakdown of an exploratory robot, and the stalling of
drilling a bore hole after machinery hit hard rock.
There are safe areas in the mine that have access to oxygen.
But there has been no communication with the miners since the explosion.
Rescue teams still cannot enter the mine due to toxic gas levels.
Euro crisis?
22 November 2010
First is was the Euro110bn bailout of Greece. Now we have
Euro90 billion bail out of the Irish.
Neither deal will stem concerns about the eurozone.
The rescue of Greece proved ineffectual in stopping
contagion; similarly the aid package for Ireland will not prevent further
deterioration of the sovereign debt crisis.
One commentator noted that "the markets are moving faster
than the European politicians can keep up with."
Stock markets across Europe tumbled. Spain's Ibex index was off 2.7%, Italy
was down 1.2% and Ireland closed 1.4% while the FTSE was down 52 – about 1%
– at 5680.
Analysts use the cost that the markets charge to insure
against a country defaulting on its debt as an indicator of distress. The
cost of buying insurance on Portuguese debt rose and while Ireland initially
enjoyed a reduction in its insurance costs, these had increased again by the
end of the day. Ratings agency Moody added to the gloom by saying that it
might cut the country's credit rating by more than previously.
More market volatility is expected while the Irish package is still being
negotiated and not expected to be finalised before the end of the month.
The likelihood of an Irish election in early 2010 will make
lenders feel even less confident.
It started with Greece, Ireland was next; and what or who
will follow - Portugal and Spain?
Never a truer word
22 November 2010
Never a truer word. This is a grab from today's Bangkok Post
web site. The PAD is re-branded as the Peoples Alliance Against Democracy.
Which may be a typing accident but it is exactly what it is ! This is a
group that believes that most Thais are not smart enough to make decisions
for themselves. A group that wants the wealth of the nation to be shared
among a non elected elite.

"Final security
plans drawn up for Tuesday's joint sitting on constitutional amendments as
the yellow-shirt Peoples Alliance against Democracy confirms plans for a
three-day 'no-change' protest outside the complex and a red-shirt leader
advises his followers to stay well clear. (file photo)"
No Thai Christmas for Camerons
21 November 2010
The Independent on Sunday is reporting that David Cameron
will cancel a planned family holiday to Thailand this Christmas. The
Independent argues that the cancellation follows complaints from campaigners
about the country's human-rights record.
BUt it may be more to do with Cameron's domestic issues in
the UK. A Thai holiday might not look so good given the UK's austerity
measures and spending cuts.
The Prime Minister had faced claims that the trip would be viewed as
"showing support" for a "brutal" regime. The United Front for Democracy
Against Dictatorship – known as the Red Shirts – has submitted abuse claims
to the International Criminal Court. More than 90 protesters were killed in
angry clashes in Bangkok earlier this year, as the government moved to crack
down on the demonstrations.
Downing Street said it would not comment on the Camerons' plans, but it is
understood that the family had booked flights some time ago and now felt it
was better to enjoy the festive season in England. It had been reported that
Mr Cameron chose Thailand because the Thai Prime Minister, Abhisit Vejjajiva,
is a fellow Old Etonian – something that No 10 denies.
This summer the Camerons holidayed in Cornwall, a break interrupted by the
early birth of their daughter Florence.
There must be some disappointed media types who were all
hoping to follow Cameron for an all expenses paid Christmas trip to
Thailand.
In China's Orbit
20 November 2010
The Wall Street Journal - Niall Ferguson
"We are the masters now." I wonder if President Barack Obama saw those words
in the thought bubble over the head of his Chinese counterpart, Hu Jintao,
at the G20 summit in Seoul last week. If the president was hoping for change
he could believe in—in China's currency policy, that is—all he got was small
change. Maybe Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner also heard "We are the
masters now" as the Chinese shot down his proposal for capping imbalances in
global current accounts. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke got the same
treatment when he announced a new round of "quantitative easing" to try to
jump start the U.S. economy, a move described by one leading Chinese
commentator as "uncontrolled" and "irresponsible."
"We are the masters now." That was certainly the refrain that I kept hearing
in my head when I was in China two weeks ago. It wasn't so much the glitzy,
Olympic-quality party I attended in the Tai Miao Temple, next to the
Forbidden City, that made this impression. The displays of bell ringing,
martial arts and all-girl drumming are the kind of thing that Western
visitors expect. It was the understated but unmistakable self-confidence of
the economists I met that told me something had changed in relations between
China and the West.
One of them, Cheng Siwei, explained over dinner China's plan to become a
leader in green energy technology. Between swigs of rice wine, Xia Bin, an
adviser to the People's Bank of China, outlined the need for a thorough
privatization program, "including even the Great Hall of the People." And in
faultless English, David Li of Tsinghua University confessed his
dissatisfaction with the quality of Chinese Ph.D.s.
You could not ask for smarter people with whom to discuss the two most
interesting questions in economic history today: Why did the West come to
dominate not only China but the rest of the world in the five centuries
after the Forbidden City was built? And is that period of Western dominance
now finally coming to an end?
In a brilliant paper that has yet to be published in English, Mr. Li and his
co-author Guan Hanhui demolish the fashionable view that China was
economically neck-and-neck with the West until as recently as 1800. Per
capita gross domestic product, they show, stagnated in the Ming era
(1402-1626) and was significantly lower than that of pre-industrial Britain.
China still had an overwhelmingly agricultural economy, with
low-productivity cultivation accounting for 90% of GDP. And for a century
after 1520, the Chinese national savings rate was actually negative. There
was no capital accumulation in late Ming China; rather the opposite.
The story of what Kenneth Pomeranz, a history professor at the University of
California, Irvine, has called "the Great Divergence" between East and West
began much earlier. Even the late economist Angus Maddison may have been
over-optimistic when he argued that in 1700 the average inhabitant of China
was probably slightly better off than the average inhabitant of the future
United States. Mr. Maddison was closer to the mark when he estimated that,
in 1600, per capita GDP in Britain was already 60% higher than in China.
For the next several hundred years, China continued to stagnate and, in the
20th century, even to retreat, while the English-speaking world, closely
followed by northwestern Europe, surged ahead. By 1820 U.S. per capita GDP
was twice that of China; by 1870 it was nearly five times greater; by 1913
the ratio was nearly 10 to one.
Despite the painful interruption of the Great Depression, the U.S. suffered
nothing so devastating as China's wretched mid-20th century ordeal of
revolution, civil war, Japanese invasion, more revolution, man-made famine
and yet more ("cultural") revolution. In 1968 the average American was 33
times richer than the average Chinese, using figures calculated on the basis
of purchasing power parity (allowing for the different costs of living in
the two countries). Calculated in current dollar terms, the differential at
its peak was more like 70 to 1.
This was the ultimate global imbalance, the result of centuries of economic
and political divergence. How did it come about? And is it over?
As I've researched my forthcoming book over the past two years, I've
concluded that the West developed six "killer applications" that "the Rest"
lacked. These were:
• Competition: Europe was politically fragmented, and within each monarchy
or republic there were multiple competing corporate entities.
• The Scientific Revolution: All the major 17th-century breakthroughs in
mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry and biology happened in Western
Europe.
• The rule of law and representative government: This optimal system of
social and political order emerged in the English-speaking world, based on
property rights and the representation of property owners in elected
legislatures.
• Modern medicine: All the major 19th- and 20th-century advances in health
care, including the control of tropical diseases, were made by Western
Europeans and North Americans.
• The consumer society: The Industrial Revolution took place where there was
both a supply of productivity-enhancing technologies and a demand for more,
better and cheaper goods, beginning with cotton garments.
• The work ethic: Westerners were the first people in the world to combine
more extensive and intensive labor with higher savings rates, permitting
sustained capital accumulation.
Those six killer apps were the key to Western ascendancy. The story of our
time, which can be traced back to the reign of the Meiji Emperor in Japan
(1867-1912), is that the Rest finally began to download them. It was far
from a smooth process. The Japanese had no idea which elements of Western
culture were the crucial ones, so they ended up copying everything, from
Western clothes and hairstyles to the practice of colonizing foreign
peoples. Unfortunately, they took up empire-building at precisely the moment
when the costs of imperialism began to exceed the benefits. Other Asian
powers—notably India—wasted decades on the erroneous premise that the
socialist institutions pioneered in the Soviet Union were superior to the
market-based institutions of the West.
Beginning in the 1950s, however, a growing band of East Asian countries
followed Japan in mimicking the West's industrial model, beginning with
textiles and steel and moving up the value chain from there. The downloading
of Western applications was now more selective. Competition and
representative government did not figure much in Asian development, which
instead focused on science, medicine, the consumer society and the work
ethic (less Protestant than Max Weber had thought). Today Singapore is
ranked third in the World Economic Forum's assessment of competitiveness.
Hong Kong is 11th, followed by Taiwan (13th), South Korea (22nd) and China
(27th). This is roughly the order, historically, in which these countries
Westernized their economies.
Today per capita GDP in China is 19% that of the U.S., compared with 4% when
economic reform began just over 30 years ago. Hong Kong, Japan and Singapore
were already there as early as 1950; Taiwan got there in 1970, and South
Korea got there in 1975. According to the Conference Board, Singapore's per
capita GDP is now 21% higher than that of the U.S., Hong Kong's is about the
same, Japan's and Taiwan's are about 25% lower, and South Korea's 36% lower.
Only a foolhardy man would bet against China's following the same trajectory
in the decades ahead.
China's has been the biggest and fastest of all the industrialization
revolutions. In the space of 26 years, China's GDP grew by a factor of 10.
It took the U.K. 70 years after 1830 to grow by a factor of four. According
to the International Monetary Fund, China's share of global GDP (measured in
current prices) will pass the 10% mark in 2013. Goldman Sachs continues to
forecast that China will overtake the U.S. in terms of GDP in 2027, just as
it recently overtook Japan.
But in some ways the Asian century has already arrived. China is on the
brink of surpassing the American share of global manufacturing, having
overtaken Germany and Japan in the past 10 years. China's biggest city,
Shanghai, already sits atop the ranks of the world's megacities, with Mumbai
right behind; no American city comes close.
Nothing is more certain to accelerate the shift of global economic power
from West to East than the looming U.S. fiscal crisis. With a
debt-to-revenue ratio of 312%, Greece is in dire straits already. But the
debt-to-revenue ratio of the U.S. is 358%, according to Morgan Stanley. The
Congressional Budget Office estimates that interest payments on the federal
debt will rise from 9% of federal tax revenues to 20% in 2020, 36% in 2030
and 58% in 2040. Only America's "exorbitant privilege" of being able to
print the world's premier reserve currency gives it breathing space. Yet
this very privilege is under mounting attack from the Chinese government.
For many commentators, the resumption of quantitative easing by the Federal
Reserve has appeared to spark a currency war between the U.S. and China. If
the "Chinese don't take actions" to end the manipulation of their currency,
President Obama declared in New York in September, "we have other means of
protecting U.S. interests." The Chinese premier Wen Jiabao was quick to
respond: "Do not work to pressure us on the renminbi rate…. Many of our
exporting companies would have to close down, migrant workers would have to
return to their villages. If China saw social and economic turbulence, then
it would be a disaster for the world."
Such exchanges are a form of pi ying xi, China's traditional shadow puppet
theater. In reality, today's currency war is between "Chimerica"—as I've
called the united economies of China and America—and the rest of the world.
If the U.S. prints money while China effectively still pegs its currency to
the dollar, both parties benefit. The losers are countries like Indonesia
and Brazil, whose real trade-weighted exchange rates have appreciated since
January 2008 by 18% and 17%, respectively.
But who now gains more from this partnership? With China's output currently
20% above its pre-crisis level and that of the U.S. still 2% below, the
answer seems clear. American policy-makers may utter the mantra that "they
need us as much as we need them" and refer ominously to Lawrence Summers's
famous phrase about "mutually assured financial destruction." But the
Chinese already have a plan to reduce their dependence on dollar reserve
accumulation and subsidized exports. It is a strategy not so much for world
domination on the model of Western imperialism as for reestablishing China
as the Middle Kingdom—the dominant tributary state in the Asia-Pacific
region.
If I had to summarize China's new grand strategy, I would do it,
Chinese-style, as the Four "Mores": Consume more, import more, invest abroad
more and innovate more. In each case, a change of economic strategy pays a
handsome geopolitical dividend.
By consuming more, China can reduce its trade surplus and, in the process,
endear itself to its major trading partners, especially the other emerging
markets. China recently overtook the U.S. as the world's biggest automobile
market (14 million sales a year, compared to 11 million), and its demand is
projected to rise tenfold in the years ahead.
By 2035, according to the International Energy Agency, China will be using a
fifth of all global energy, a 75% increase since 2008. It accounted for
about 46% of global coal consumption in 2009, the World Coal Institute
estimates, and consumes a similar share of the world's aluminum, copper,
nickel and zinc production. Last year China used twice as much crude steel
as the European Union, United States and Japan combined.
Such figures translate into major gains for the exporters of these and other
commodities. China is already Australia's biggest export market, accounting
for 22% of Australian exports in 2009. It buys 12% of Brazil's exports and
10% of South Africa's. It has also become a big purchaser of high-end
manufactured goods from Japan and Germany. Once China was mainly an exporter
of low-price manufactures. Now that it accounts for fully a fifth of global
growth, it has become the most dynamic new market for other people's stuff.
And that wins friends.
The Chinese are justifiably nervous, however, about the vagaries of world
commodity prices. How could they feel otherwise after the huge price swings
of the past few years? So it makes sense for them to invest abroad more. In
January 2010 alone, the Chinese made direct investments worth a total of
$2.4 billion in 420 overseas enterprises in 75 countries and regions. The
overwhelming majority of these were in Asia and Africa. The biggest sectors
were mining, transportation and petrochemicals. Across Africa, the Chinese
mode of operation is now well established. Typical deals exchange highway
and other infrastructure investments for long leases of mines or
agricultural land, with no questions asked about human rights abuses or
political corruption.
Growing overseas investment in natural resources not only makes sense as a
diversification strategy to reduce China's exposure to the risk of dollar
depreciation. It also allows China to increase its financial power, not
least through its vast and influential sovereign wealth fund. And it
justifies ambitious plans for naval expansion. In the words of Rear Admiral
Zhang Huachen, deputy commander of the East Sea Fleet: "With the expansion
of the country's economic interests, the navy wants to better protect the
country's transportation routes and the safety of our major sea-lanes." The
South China Sea has already been declared a "core national interest," and
deep-water ports are projected in Pakistan, Burma and Sri Lanka.
Finally, and contrary to the view that China is condemned to remain an
assembly line for products "designed in California," the country is
innovating more, aiming to become, for example, the world's leading
manufacturer of wind turbines and photovoltaic panels. In 2007 China
overtook Germany in terms of new patent applications. This is part of a
wider story of Eastern ascendancy. In 2008, for the first time, the number
of patent applications from China, India, Japan and South Korea exceeded
those from the West.
The dilemma posed to the "departing" power by the "arriving" power is always
agonizing. The cost of resisting Germany's rise was heavy indeed for
Britain; it was much easier to slide quietly into the role of junior partner
to the U.S. Should America seek to contain China or to accommodate it?
Opinion polls suggest that ordinary Americans are no more certain how to
respond than the president. In a recent survey by the Pew Research Center,
49% of respondents said they did not expect China to "overtake the U.S. as
the world's main superpower," but 46% took the opposite view.
Coming to terms with a new global order was hard enough after the collapse
of the Soviet Union, which went to the heads of many Western commentators.
(Who now remembers talk of American hyperpuissance without a wince?) But the
Cold War lasted little more than four decades, and the Soviet Union never
came close to overtaking the U.S. economically. What we are living through
now is the end of 500 years of Western predominance. This time the Eastern
challenger is for real, both economically and geopolitically.
The gentlemen in Beijing may not be the masters just yet. But one thing is
certain: They are no longer the apprentices.
Six months on
19 November 2010
The red shirts are back rallying in Bangkok; it is exactly
six months since the 19 May crackdown that saw over 90 people killed on the
streets of Bangkok as troops were used to clear the red shirt camps around
Siam and Ratchaprasong.
On the surface the country is quiet; people are shopping in
BKK; tourists are back; the baht is booming; the red shirt leaders are in
detention or hiding; the government has not fallen; central world has
re-opened.
Scratch away the surface and all is not as well. The CRES
still appears to determine government policy; There are occasional bomb and
grenade attacks in Bangkok; there is a new hard line army commander; lese
majeste cases continue on the thinnest of evidence; internet censorship has
extended to cover anything that might be seen as pro-red and anti
government. And, sadly, after 14 months the King remains in hospital;
presumably either not well enough, or not willing, to return to the Palace.
The PAD - yellow shirts - are also determined to rally from
23-25 November.
The latest gem from the CRES is to order a ban of subversive goods within
Bangkok and adjacent provinces still under an official State of Emergency.
The ban includes clothing and all consumer goods deemed objectionable. Who
decides what is objectionable? The ban is apparently in response to the
latest red shirt rallies. Clothing and other accessories sold at these
rallies including flip flops with the face of PM Abhisit on them.
Bangkok and other provinces have been under emergency rule
since April 7. This represents the longest State of Emergency in Bangkok in
more than a quarter century. (Prior to this, after the Thammasat Student
Massacre of 1976 the Thai military maintained a State of Emergency in
Bangkok for nearly 8 years, until 1984.)
Interesting that the CRES can make law.
Anyway this is a translated excerpt from the ban, which is in effect
immediately:
Item 1: Individuals are forbidden to have in their possession, or possess
with intent to sell or otherwise distribute, products, clothing, consumer
goods, or any other objects that contain printing, writing, drawing,
photography, or any other method that conveys a meaning which provokes,
incites, agitates, or causes disunity in the general populace, or acts or
supports acts which cause a state of emergency.
Item 2: Authorities are authorized to order the seizure or confiscation of
products, clothing, consumer goods, or any other objects as outlined in Item
1, and are authorized to act as necessary to maintain the security of the
state or the safety of the public.
Item 4: Any person violating this order is subject to up to 2 years
imprisonment or a fine of up to 40,000 baht, or both.
Thaksin meanwhile has been quiet; but that does not mean he
has disappeared. It will probably remain quiet until after the Kings
birthday. After that, all bets are off.
Willy and Katie to wed
16 November 2010
The will he, wont he propose debate is over. Prince William,
for those who live on Mars he is the second in line to the English throne,
proposed to commoner Kate Middleton and they will marry in the spring or
summer next year.
Another Royal Wedding. The news networks are already talking
about nothing else. CNN, BBC, Sky; it is royal wedding tv. And we have
months more of the same.
They will marry in 2011; thirty years after Charles and Diana
married - and that was watched by one billion people around the world. Not
by me. I went to play golf with my Dad.
Jim Clancy on CNN tweeted - "Aung San Suu Kyi represents a
much more striking individual image to me than any member of royalty." Well
done Mr. Clancy. The sad thiing is that Aung San Suu Kyi has already
disappeared from the news.
In the UK both the BBC News channel and Sky News devoted their entire
schedule to the couple today following the marriage announcement by Clarence
House, with BBC1 also interrupting its normal programming to bring viewers
the big news.
Good luck to the couple; but do we all have to switch off
from the real world to follow this spoon in mouth couple.
Maybe they could just get married quickly tomorrow and save
us from months of tv hell.
Or how about a sponsored wedding - someone could sponsor the
dress; put advertising in the church; sponsor the choir, the page boys, the
wedding carriage or the organ (the musical one)?
Qatar could buy the royal wedding : they already own a list
of blue-chip British investments which currently includes Harrods, the (soon
to be former) US Embassy in Grovesnor Square, Canary Wharf, Chelsea
Barracks, the Shard at London Bridge, shares in the LSE, Barclay’s Bank and
Sainsbury’s.
Or maybe Emirates could sponsor the wedding as the logo would
look good on the dress!
Brits, mired in a recession and reeling form deep budget
cuts, will now all be expected to join merrily in the festivities. The
government will expect a huge benefit from the wedding feel good factor.
And you will be able to but William and Kate everything.
For Kate Middleton, her life as she knew and enjoyed it, has
just ended. She will be the wife of the future King. And her every move and
every statement is now open to public scrutiny.
Nice touch - the engagement ring is the ring that Charles
gave to Diana thirty years ago.
Other than that. Can we move on to real news please.
Here we go again
16 November 2010
Dubai has not learned its pr lesson. And that is sad.
You don#t make major financial announcements at the start of
an extended government holiday.
But it was announced to day - the Eid holiday - that the
Dubai government has pumped $2bn (two billion dollars) into Dubai Holding,
taking control of the conglomerate's financial restructuring.
Mohammed Al Shaibani, director of the Ruler's Court, the body that
coordinates the activities of government departments, told the Financial
Times that the government is willing to put more capital into
the loss-making conglomerate.
The government also expects banks to accept some of the pain, as was the
case in the Dubai World restructuring, Shaibani told the newspaper in an
interview.
He said banks could expect to win advisory deals as the government
considered future asset sales and privatisations. But they will have to give
up money they are owed in order to get those deals.
Dubai Holding, controlled by the emirate’s ruler Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid
Al Maktoum, apparently owes banks about $12 billion. Almost three- quarters
of its debt has been racked up by Dubai International Capital and Dubai
Group LLC. Dubai Holding has stakes in U.K.-based hotel chain Travelodge
Hotels Ltd, Doncasters Plc and Madame Tussauds, through DIC and Dubai Group.
Dubai’s government had outstanding direct debt of 105.47 billion dirhams
($29 billion) at the end of July, according an updated bond prospectus
published on the London Stock Exchange on Sept. 27. The debt includes funds
borrowed to finance the expansion of Dubai International Airport, other
infrastructure projects, borrowings by Investment Corp. of Dubai, and loans
from the Abu Dhabi government and the Central Bank of the United Arab
Emirates, the document showed.
Of course no one from the Dubai government was immediately available to
comment as today is the Islamic feast of Eid Al Adha.
Japanese journalist Muramoto possibly killed by Thai state
security
16 November 2010
Reuters cameraman Hiro
Muramoto may have been shot by Thai security forces when he was killed
during a street protest in April, state investigators said on Tuesday,
calling for a new probe into his death.
The statement is the first by Thai investigators to acknowledge that a
bullet fired by security forces may have killed the 43-year-old journalist.
"Since there was possible involvement by government officers, we have to
start from square one by letting police investigate further," Tharit
Pengdith, director general of the Department of Special Investigation, told
a news conference.
So what exactly have
investigators been doing since April - that is 7 months ago.
Muramoto, a Japanese national based in Tokyo with Thomson Reuters, was
killed by a high-velocity bullet wound to the chest while covering clashes
in Bangkok between anti-government protesters and Thai troops on April 10.
"I hope the investigation can be completed swiftly so that all who care
deeply about Hiro Muramoto's death can have clarity about what precisely
happened, David Schlesinger, editor-in-chief of Reuters, said in a
statement.
"His family and colleagues need to know who was involved and what the
circumstances were that led to this tragedy."
Twenty-five people, mostly protesters, were killed on April 10 and hundreds
wounded. Television footage showed Thai troops opening fire on protesters,
while soldiers came under attack from grenades and black-clad gunmen moved
among the demonstrators.
The DSI said Muramoto was among six people whose deaths will be further
investigated because it was unclear if he was shot by security forces,
protesters or unidentified "armed militants."
The DSI has yet to release findings from its investigation into Muramoto and
others killed on April 10 including the source of gunfire, despite intense
diplomatic pressure from Japan. It previously said the probe lacked
conclusive witness accounts.
"We have been asking the Thai government at all levels, including in
meetings between our foreign ministers and through our embassy, to find out
the truth," a Japanese foreign ministry official said. "We will continue to
call for the truth into what happened with Mr. Muramoto."
A Thai newspaper reported in July that four witnesses told police Muramoto
was killed by gunfire from troops, but the DSI denied the report, saying it
did not have reliable witnesses to the shooting.
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said in July that
Thailand's government had failed to properly investigate the deaths of
Muramoto and Italian freelance photographer Fabio Polenghi who was shot dead
on May 19 as troops moved in on protesters in Bangkok's commercial district.
The DSI said on Tuesday that it had evidence that 12 people including seven
soldiers were killed by supporters of an anti-government "red shirt" protest
movement demanding Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva call fresh elections.
A senior police official who asked not to be identified because of the
sensitivity of the issue told Reuters on Tuesday that Muramoto was likely
caught in a crossfire and there was a "high possibility" that he was shot by
the security forces although the case remained inconclusive.
"Given the line of fire and eyewitness accounts, there is a high possibility
but this is in no way conclusive which is why we need further
investigation," the official said.
The Thai authorities
will delay the investigation for as long as they can but I do not expect
either Reuters or the Japanese government will drop their pursuit of a full,
thorough and evidenced investigation.
JetBlue joins up with Emirates
14 November 2010
JetBlue Airways is teaming up with Emirates Airline in a
deal under which the pair will sell tickets on each other's flights.
The deal announced Monday allows U.S. passengers to buy tickets through
JetBlue to international destinations that Emirates serves. Emirates
customers can buy tickets to U.S. cities JetBlue serves.
Emirates flies two daily nonstop flights from New York to its hub in Dubai.
JetBlue Airways Corp. already has similar deals with American Airlines,
South African Airways and Irish carrier Aer Lingus. These partnerships allow
airlines to expand their available destinations without added costs. They
also feed more passengers into their respective networks.
What makes this deal interesting is that Lufthansa is a
shareholder in JetBlue but the US airline will be routing its passengers
onto Emirates flights not those of its shareholder or Star Alliance partner.
Can't get to Canada so try Basra
13 November 2010
Effective 2 February 2011, Emirates will commence flights to
Basra (BSR) in Iraq. Flights will be operated 4x weekly (Mon, Wed, Thu, Sat)
using A330-200. The schedule is:
EK945 DEP DXB 1345 ARR BSR 1445
EK946 DEP BSR 1615 ARR DXB 1910
I am surprised that Emirates will commence flights to Basra in the south of
Iraq rather than to Baghdad. EK was planning to start Baghdad. Maybe a year
ago. Wonder what hppaned to those plans. EK must be planning to
attract many business travelers from the south east of the country.
Nevertheless it is an interesting move confirming the airline's ambitions to
grow in this country.
And why Basra - oil.
Which appears to be transforming the city.
Basra in southern Iraq has been transformed - thanks to oil
Emirates takes on Canada
13 November 2010 - updated 14 November 2010
Emirates has gone on the public relations offensive in its
battle to obtain additional landing rights in Canada. The airline has issued
a two-page backgrounder for public and media use It is called "Canada and
Emirates Airline. Busting Myths. A reasonable request."
Emirates actually hired public relations firm Temple Scott Associates Inc,
which specializes in government relations, to do the myth busting for them.
Proof as always, that you can write anything if you get paid for it!
It was the the PR firm that issues the two-page press release.
The documents can be read
here. There is more here from
Emirates Public Affairs -
Emirates and Canada
Scattered throughout are selective quotes from major players meant to back
up Emirates' position, including British Airways CEO Willie Walsh and
WestJet CEO Gregg Saretsky.
Ultimately, Emirates accuses Air Canada of trying "to deny choice to
Canadian consumers and protect itself from fair and reasonable competition."
In a statement on October 12, Air Canada said the current agreement between
Canada and the U.A.E. "allows more than enough capacity to carry all the
point-to-point traffic" between the two countries.
"Air Canada supports liberalization in markets where such agreements benefit
both sides, such as with the U.S. and Europe, but opposes capacity dumping
by state-owned airlines," the statement said.
The trouble is the more that Emirates protests the less inclined I am to
listen. And I suspect the Canadian authorities feel the same way.
My concerns with the Emirates publicity drive are as follows,
in no particular order.
1. The document talks about Emirates Airline and Canada.
Bilaterals are negotiated between sovereign states. The UAE currently has
the right to operates a six flights a week to Toronto. At the moment
Emirates lies three times and Etihad flies three times. Emirates had
originally been offered all six but said no because they were not offered a
daily flight. So Etihad took three leaving only three of Emirates.
Emirates documents fail to even mention the three flights a
week operated by Eitihad.
2 Flights from the UAE to Canada are full, not of UAE
nationals, but of passengers connecting from mainly South Asia. The UAE
airports are hubs. Passengers fly thourgh Dubai, they do not fly to Dubai.
Your typical passenger from say Bangalore can fly with Emirates via Dubai,
or with Star Alliance partners via Frankfurt with One World alliance via
London or with Air India through their Delhi hub.
Emirates simply wants a bigger slice of that pie.
3. Emirates is state owned. Air Canada is a public company
with responsibilities to its shareholders; and, lets be honest here, with a
responsibility to repay taxpayer loans.
4. Emirates has invoked government support to "bully" Canada
into extending landing rights.
The following actions have been taken.
The Canadian base at Camp Mirage has been closed. This was
leased to the Canadians rent free; that said the Canadians will contributed
to the UAE economy through money spent and supplies acquired here. The base
was used to support the Canadian peace keeping activities in Afghanistan.
Canada is rightly proud of the fact that for decades it has been in the
front line of every NATO supported peace keeping initiative. The UAE was
more than happy to see Canadian forces seeking to help maintain stability in
this volatile region. In closing the base the UAE put it's airline's
commercial profit before humanitarian and diplomatic interests.
Canadians will require a visa to enter the UAE from 2 January
2011. They will be only "western nation" that is not part of the UAE's visa
waiver programme.
The UAE denied landing rights to an airplane of the Canadian
Foreign Minister and the Minister for Veteran Affairs. Sorry to0 say but
this looks like petty retribution. Of course every nation has a right to say
who can pass through its airspace. But the UAE could have set a precedent.
It is a very long way from the UAE to the USA if you cannot pass through
Canadian airspace.
The UAE admitted that it lobbied hard to deny Canada a seat
on the UN security council.
How is any of the above a a reasonable and predictable
response to limiting Emirates Airlines access to Canada. If Emirates wants
its PR bluster to be credible it should be distancing itself from the
actions taken in its supposed support by the UAE government.
4. The UAE is hardly a bastion of free trade and open
competition. Protectionism works very well for the UAE when it is seen as
being in the UAE government's interests. Just search on Skype, DEWA,
Etisalat in the UAE for background. So do not act surprised or offended when
other government's seek to protect their own business interests.
5. Canada has no company with an order book the size of EK.
There is no company in Canada that is recruiting pilots in numbers (700)
like EK. Canada has a large country with a tiny population. Many of these
small communities require domestic air service. Air Canada has to support a
significant domestic network. Not a cost that Emirates or Etihad has to
bear.
6. No one will argue that Air Canada is a fantastically run
business. It is not. But then there are limits to what it can do in
comparison to EK/EY. It cannot be competitive to EK/EY so it needs some
degree of protection. These are no more than protections that any country
sets out when trade imbalances exist.
What is best for Air Canada and Canada is to allow
competition into the market, from several sources... but to be managed, or
as is now protected.
7. Canada has many unilateral flight agreements with many
different countries. Canada is not embracing "protectionist" measures...but
rather controllling access and employing oversight measures to ensure its
own success in the aviation industry as well.
8. Trade agreements are full of limits to provide balance and
protect both sides when there's a possibility for one party to take
advantage over the other (i.e. one is much bigger than the other, or one is
more heavily subsidized / less regulated than the other). There may not be a
cheque being written, but the cost advantages that Gulf carriers enjoy with
both a significantly lower tax advantage and a pool of cheap labour is every
bit as good as a cheque from the government in terms of providing cost
advantages. And in a democratic country where the government does have to
answer to its people, one of the considerations is always going to be how
opening up markets to foreign businesses will be perceived by the tax paying
/ voting public. Only one of the governments in this dispute is faced with
that particular reality.
Despite the above I do have every desire for Emirates to
Canada but it should be on the basis of a fair and reasonable position.
I will also accept that Air Canada, supported by the Canadian
government are doing customers an immense disservice by "unreasonably"
restricting competition in the air transport market place. But for Air
Canada and its shareholders this makes sense and is exactly what every other
pseudo legacy/national carrier in the western world has done for the last 40
years. And it is also what Emirates is doing now.
The endgame to all this will be an eventual compromise. Emirates will
eventually find a way to have greater access..by either acquiring Etihad..or
using commercial common sense and maybe a more constructive approach.
Canada needs to intelligently look at how much access
Emirates and any airline has to Canada and "manage" it if necessary.
Emirates will argue that this is protectionist. Nothing more than the UAE
does to protect its domestic businesses.
In the meantime Canada and Qatar have quietly signed an aviation agreement
that will allow Qatar Airways to fly three passenger flights and three cargo
flights a week to and from the Gulf sheikdom.
Talks were successfully concluded on Oct. 25 after only three days of
negotiation, according to Qatari news media....
Qatar does not require that Canadian citizens have a visa before traveling
there. In a sign of warming relations, Canada is to open an embassy in Qatar
early next year.
The simple fact is, Canada decides who flies to Canada, and
the UAE decides who flies to the UAE.
Twitterers beware
12 November 2010
Twitterers beware. Judges have no sense of humor. And even
endless exclamation marks will not save you.
The Twitter joke trial is a classic collision between new
technology, post 9/11 paranoia, witless judges, and a hapless victim.
So what happened?
Paul Chambers, a 27-year-old accountant, yesterday lost his
appeal against his conviction and £1,000 fine for a comment he made in jest
when he was concerned he might miss a flight to Belfast.
This was his public tweet.
"Crap! Robin Hood airport is closed. You've got a week and a bit to get your
shit together otherwise I'm blowing the airport sky high!!"
he wrote in January.
Chambers was controversially prosecuted under a law aimed at nuisance calls
– originally to protect "female telephonists at the Post Office" in the
1930s – rather than specific bomb hoax legislation, which requires stronger
evidence of intent.
But this is an accountant and a disappointed customer - not a
suicidal jihadist.
His appeal was yesterday and after it failed. Mr Chambers has already lost
his job because of the prosecution. Some 24 hours after his appeal failed,
the "hashtag" #twitterjoketrial remains one of the top trending topics on
twitter.
A so-called "I'm Spartacus" campaign encouraging users to "re-tweet" his
words has also become a huge hit.
The I'm Spartacus campaign is inspired by the famous scene in the 1960s
movie blockbuster, when slaves stood up one by one to claim "I'm Spartacus"
in order to save their fellow gladiator (Kirk Douglas as Spartacus) from
detection.
Chambers is believed to be the first person convicted in the UK for posting
an offensive tweet.
After the hearing, actor and Twitter fan Stephen Fry tweeted that he would
pay Chambers' fine. Question for you dear reader - if Mr. Fry, with his
hundreds of thousands of followers had sent the same tweet would he have
been prosecuted with the same dedication ?
Comedian Dara O'Briain tweeted that the verdict was "ludicrous" while Peep
Show actor David Mitchell said it was "punishment for flippancy".
In the meantime, globally, his text (with hashtag #iamspartacus)
is being re-tweeted.
Judge Jacqueline Davies yesterday called the tweet "menacing
in its content and obviously so. It could not be more clear. Any ordinary
person reading this would see it in that way and be alarmed".
She also ordered him to pay a further £2,000 legal bill for
the latest proceedings. She dismissed his lawyers' arguments that he should
not be punished for a "foolish prank".
Now will everyone who has re-tweeted the message be
prosecuted and fined a further gbp1,000. That will quickly add up to
millions.
Here is the rebuttal -
a well argued and rational response in an Open Letter to Judge Jacqueline
Davies.
Judges in the dock
12 November 2010 -
The
Economist
Economist seeking another ban in Thailand!
"Since 2006, when the armed forces ousted the then prime minister, Thaksin
Shinawatra, Thailand’s constitutional court has dissolved two popular pro-Thaksin
parties and disqualified hundreds of his allies. Now it may be the turn of
the ruling Democrat Party, which is accused of campaign-finance fraud. A
final hearing in the first of two cases is scheduled for November 29th.
The party denies wrongdoing. Yet in the court of public opinion, it is the
judges themselves who are in the dock. A series of leaked videos posted on
YouTube by “ohmygod3009” has dealt a blow to the court’s standing. In one, a
member of parliament for the Democrat Party appears to be lobbying the
secretary to the court president, Chat Cholaworn, to go easy on the party.
In other videos, senior judges appear to discuss how to cover up the leaking
of exam papers to relatives applying for jobs at the court. A new batch of
YouTube videos released on November 8th, and swiftly blocked in Thailand by
court order, also relate to alleged nepotism in hiring. More videos are
promised. “Hold on tight,” exhorts a mysterious poster.
The court’s haughty response has been to claim a conspiracy by
“ill-intentioned people” out to discredit it. The Democrats accuse their
opponents of leaking the videos in the hope of forcing the court to dissolve
the party, since to do otherwise would be to imply that it had bowed to
political pressure. The MP caught on tape discussing the party’s case said
that it was a set-up by Mr Chat’s secretary, who has since fled overseas and
may be the source of the videos. Government critics say the court has shown
its true, biddable colours.
A guilty verdict in the case and a break-up of the pro-establishment
Democrats would tip Thailand back into political chaos after months of
relative calm. At the time of the alleged fraud, the current prime minister,
Abhisit Vejjajiva, was a deputy leader of the party. Under the latest,
military-imposed constitution, party executives share collective guilt for
any wrongdoing. Should Mr Abhisit fall on his sword, other Democrats are
waiting in the wings. A former deputy prime minister, Suthep Thepsuban, is
one candidate. A more likely replacement may be Chuan Leekpai, a two-time
prime minister and party elder. But any new leadership would be unstable,
and early elections may beckon.
Manipulation of the courts would be nothing new. In 2008 Mr Thaksin’s
lawyers were jailed for offering a cake box stuffed with cash to officials
at the supreme court, which was trying his wife. The Democrat MP was not
seen doing anything as gauche, though the affair has left a nasty whiff.
Paradoxically, the scandal may yet help the Democrats if it delays a final
verdict. Judges caught on tape may have to recuse themselves from the trial.
With more embarrassing videos perhaps to follow, there may be less haste in
deciding the fate of Mr Abhisit’s party, determined to hang on to power
until its term ends in a year. How very convenient."
The QF32 scarebus
12 November 2010
A full list of the damage to the Airbus A380 has been revealed after it was
nursed back to Singapore on three engines.
When it touched down the fuel systems were failing, the forward spar
supporting the left wing had been holed and one of the jet's two hydraulic
systems was knocked out and totally drained of fluid.
Investigators found shrapnel damage to the flaps, a huge hole in the upper
surface of the left wing and a generator that was not working.
The crew could not shutdown the No. 1 engine using the fire switch. As a
result the engine's fire extinguishers could not be deployed.
Captain Richard de Crespigny, first officer Matt Hicks and Mark Johnson, the
second officer, could not jettison the volume of fuel required for a safe
emergency landing.
With more than 80 tonnes of highly volatile jet kerosene still in the 11
tanks -- two of which were leaking - they made an overweight and high speed
approach to Changi Airport.
Without full hydraulics the spoilers - the hinged flaps on the front of the
wings - could not be fully deployed to slow the jet.
The crew also had to rely on gravity for the undercarriage to drop and lock
into place.
On landing they had no anti-skid brakes and could rely on only one engine
for reverse thrust - needing all of the 4km runway at Changi to bring the
jet to a stop.
The three crew have been interviewed by Australian investigators and cleared
to return to duties.
Industry sources said the damage will almost certainly put the airline's
flagship jet - the Nancy-Bird Walton - out of service for months.
Investigators found that an oil fire may have caused the engine to explode.
Details of the stricken jet's problems were revealed yesterday in an
emergency directive by the European Aviation Safety Authority.
The authority made it mandatory for airlines with the now suspect
Rolls-Royce Trent 900 engines to make checks for excess oil.
If not detected, excess oil can cause a fire and ultimately result in
"uncontained" engine failure, with potential damage to the aeroplane and to
people or property on the ground.
Qantas made it clear it will keep its six superjumbos grounded indefinitely
and has rearranged flight schedules using substitute aircraft.
WHAT WENT WRONG ON QF32
1 Massive fuel leak in the left mid fuel tank (there are 11 tanks, including
in the horizontal stabiliser on the tail)
2 Massive fuel leak in the left inner fuel tank
3 A hole on the flap fairing big enough to climb through
4 The aft gallery in the fuel system failed, preventing many fuel transfer
functions
5 Problem jettisoning fuel
6 Massive hole in the upper wing surface
7 Partial failure of leading edge slats
8 Partial failure of speed brakes/ground spoilers
9 Shrapnel damage to the flaps
10 Total loss of all hydraulic fluid in one of the jet's two systems
11 Manual extension of landing gear
12 Loss of one generator and associated systems
13 Loss of brake anti-skid system
14 No.1 engine could not be shut down in the usual way after landing because
of major damage to systems
15 No.1 engine could not be shut down using the fire switch, which meant
fire extinguishers would not work on that engine
16 ECAM (electronic centralised aircraft monitor) warnings about the major
fuel imbalance (because of fuel leaks on left side) could not be fixed with
cross-feeding
17 Fuel was trapped in the trim tank (in the tail)creating a balance problem
for landing
18 Left wing forward spar penetrated by debris
Short memory expats
11 November 2010
This is very strange. Just six months after the bloodshed,
curfew, gunshots and arsonists creating havoc in Bankok Thailand is now top
of HSBC’s latest report Expat Experience 2010. Thailand consistently ranks
highly as one of the friendliest nations where expatriates find it easy to
integrate and it is also now ranking exceptionally well with retirees
looking for a more affordable cost of living, as well as a decent quality of
life balance.
Maybe the riots are part of that colourful experience. Anyway
the HSBC survey does throw up a few interesting bits of data:
Countries that score well on the quality of life rankings are very popular
with those wanting to retire abroad. A high proportion of expats based in
Spain (38%), France (33%), South Africa (24%), Thailand (24%) and Canada
(17%) are retirees, with many having moved specifically to the country to
retire. In Spain, one in four (25%) expats moved there specifically to
retire, compared with 21% in France and Thailand.
While scoring well on quality of life overall, these countries scored
particularly well on food, local diet and healthcare, which could explain
why many expats decide these countries offer the ideal location to spend
their golden years.
Nearly one fifth (16%) of expats are planning to stay in their current
country for the long haul, especially those in Thailand (47%) and Canada
(42%), which seem to make the most popular destinations for ‘expat lifers’.
Expats based in these countries are also the most likely to have stayed for
five years or more already (Thailand 56%, Canada 47%).
In terms of quality of life, the UK ranks 23rd out of the 25 countries
reported. Almost four in five (78%) expats believed they experienced no
change in the quality of accommodation in the UK or thought it had worsened
compared to their home country. The UK also performs badly in terms of the
ease of finding accommodation. Here, the UK ranks 20th out of 25 countries,
falling behind Thailand, Bahrain and South Africa who dominate the top three
spots in the upper quartile of this category.
Romantically Thailand comes predictably top with 69% of single expats having
found a partner (or more !!) since relocating, followed closely by Spain
(68%).
Moving abroad is an opportunity many people undertake to find a better way
of life as well as an opportunity to boost their earning potential by taking
on a new career challenge. But the findings show that the two benefits
rarely go hand in hand. This year, the majority of expats (57%) claimed that
increased career opportunities and increased financial gain were their key
reasons for becoming an expat. However, their choice to move to a country
that offers great benefits financially doesn’t generally provide the same
benefits in terms of expected quality of life in their new destination.
Saudi Arabia (85%), Qatar (83%) and Russia (76%) are the most popular
countries for those citing financial gain and increased career progression
as one of the key motivations to become an expat. However, these countries
typically score very low on the quality of life rankings (Saudi Arabia 20th,
Qatar 19th and Russia 24th out of 25 countries).
In contrast, expats moving to countries that score well on the quality of
life league table such as South Africa (3rd), Spain (6th) and France (7th)
are much less appealing as destinations to those looking for increased
career progression and financial gain. Less than one in five (18%) expats
moving to Spain did so for potential financial gain, alongside 26% in France
and 40% in South Africa.
There are exceptions to this rule. Expats in Bahrain and Bermuda both scored
particularly well for quality of life, scoring 2nd and 5th respectively on
the quality of life league table.
Someone has to explain to me how Bahrain finishes second in
the quality of life league table?
Dubai's continuing debt problems
11 November 2010
Financial services firm Dubai Group, part of Dubai Holding, has missed two
payments on separate loans in recent weeks, including one arranged by
Citibank, in the latest sign the Gulf Arab emirate's debt troubles are far
from over.
Sources told Reuters that the the company did not make a scheduled payment
on a $330 million loan on which Citibank [C 4.385 -0.035 (-0.79%) ] was the
sole bookrunner.
"The payment on the Citibank facility in October wasn't made," said a source
with direct knowledge of the matter. A second person confirmed the October
payment had not been made.
The five-year loan, which matures Dec. 13, 2011, was used to fund the
acquisition of a 49-percent stake in Bank Islam Malaysia. Bank Islam earlier
this year said Dubai Group was trying to sell the stake.
Canada finds a new friend in the Gulf
11 November 2010
Canada and Qatar have quietly signed an aviation agreement
that will allow Qatar Airways to fly three passenger flights and three cargo
flights a week to and from the Gulf sheikdom.
Talks were successfully concluded on October 25th after only three days of
negotiation, according to (presumably gloating) Qatari news media.
The quick agreement with Qatar was in sharp contrast to a dispute between
Ottawa and the United Arab Emirates over flights to and from Canada. It
caused the UAE to kick the Canadian military out of Camp Mirage, a key
logistical base in Dubai that had been used for nine years to support the
war in Afghanistan.
Before talks broke down last month, Canada and the UAE had haggled for five
years over greater access to Canadian airports for Emirate Airlines and
Etihad Airways — an expansion that was strongly opposed by Air Canada and
Transport Canada.
Air carriers in Britain, France, Germany and the Netherlands also have
strongly objected to the rapid expansion of flights to Europe by Gulf
carriers.
Canada had not publicized the new air agreement with Qatar, perhaps fearing
potential further fallout from its escalating dispute with the UAE.
Newspapers in the UAE have not published any details of the air agreement
between Canada and Qatar although media here usually cover the aviation
industry very closely.
The UAE placed a visa requirement on Canadian visitors earlier this week.
When the edict comes into effect in the coming weeks — on Jan. 2, — Canada
will be the only western country whose citizens face such a restriction.
Qatar does not require that Canadian citizens have a visa before travelling
there. In a sign of warming relations, Canada is to open an embassy in Qatar
early next year.
Poppy-gate - or how to offend your host
10 November 2010
David Cameron, the British PM, is in China with a gaggle of
other ministers and a retinue of business types; all with their hands out
hoping for some handouts from their hosts.
So if you are begging for work is it really necessary to
cause offence.
Of course, it depends who you are offending.
Cameron's main concern today was how his message sounded to
Daily Mail readers back in the UK. And to keep them happy he wore his red
poppy in his suit lapel. Such arrogance.
Chinese officials had apparently asked the UK delegation not
to wear their Remembrance Day poppies because they are to the Chinese a
potent symbol of China's humiliation at the hands of Europe in the opium
wars. To comply would have been good manners.
The poppy became the symbol of WWI because of one poem, by a
Canadian, Lieutenant Colonel John McCrae who penned "In Flanders fields":
In Flanders Fields the poppies blow
Between the crosses row on row,
That mark our place; and in the sky
The larks, still bravely singing, fly
Scarce heard amid the guns below.
We are the Dead. Short days ago
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,
Loved and were loved, and now we lie
In Flanders fields.
Take up our quarrel with the foe:
To you from failing hands we throw
The torch; be yours to hold it high.
If ye break faith with us who die
We shall not sleep, though poppies grow
In Flanders fields.
But Remembrance Day is the 11th and the commemoration is the
following Sunday; where your poppies proudly on Sunday. But we seem to now
have a poppy month; the British thirst for war commemoration appears to be
increasing as memories of Churchill's finest hour recede.
Cameron probably things he is right to lecture the Chinese on freedom of
speech, democracy and human rights. Support of US waterboarding and
allegations of the British use of torture in Iraq make his position reek of
hypocrisy.
But China has its own value systems and priorities – which are much older
than our. There is little better example of residual western arrogance
combined, oddly enough, with a hint of Maoist conformity), than the sight of
Cameron and team wearing their poppies in Beijing?
To Chinese officialdom, the poppy speaks of the two opium wars forced on
them by the British empire when – then as now – Britain had insufficiently
attractive export products with which to offset its imports from China – but
unlike now had the military means to address the deficit.
In the 1830s tea was the main Chinese export via Canton. But the Chinese,
deeply introspective and arrogant in their own way, rejected UK
manufacturing goods, then at their global zenith. So the East India Company
exported Indian opium for both medical and narcotic purposes, 900 tons in
1820, 1,400 by 1838.
The Qing empire restated its ban and was ignored by both British and Chinese
merchants, despite the imposition of the death penalty for trafficking.
But after the burning of a temple and the murder of a Chinese man by British
sailors, both sides dug in. In the name of free trade in 1840 the Brits
seized a rocky island called Hong Kong, blockaded the Pearl – and later the
Yangzi – rivers and sent in troops.
No match for modern European firepower, the Chinese had to settle and the
1842 Treaty of Nanjing became the first of the many "unequal treaties". The
British got Hong Kong and smaller islands, ports were opened, compensation
paid for the lost opium, missionaries allowed into China, foreigners
relieved from trial by Chinese courts. France and the US piled in behind. In
1856-58 the process was repeated with the same results as the west
penetrated the interior.
This is well known history to Chinese students. It is less well taught in
British textbooks.
Given the history and given that I am trying to sell everything from
Rolls-Royce engines to lingerie to my hosts I think I'd have put my poppy to
one side for a day or two.
And yes this might have incurred the wrath of the Sun
newspaper and readers but Rupert Murdoch has been kowtowing to Beijing to
promote his business interests for decades.
Why not make a small gesture to a proud and sensitive political elite whose
economic and political power is accelerating fast.
The rise of China is going to be the story of our lifetime –
we had better get used to it.
Poppy-gate was arrogant and poor judgement.
For Canadians, the grass is greener on
the other side
8 November 2010 - The Economist
For the past few months Calvin Rovinescu, the boss of Air Canada, has been
telling anyone who will listen that Canada's airport authorities and
government must start treating the country's airlines better. Aviation
policies and high airport taxes, he says, are driving Canadians to discount
carriers flying from nearby American airports.
The latest American encroacher is Spirit Airlines, a discount airline that
will soon start flying out of Plattsburgh, NY, about one hour's drive from
Montreal, and Niagara Falls, NY, about 90 minutes from Toronto (not
including time spent crossing the border). Return flights from Plattsburgh
to Fort Lauderdale, a favourite destination for sun-starved Montrealers, can
be had for as little as $135, including taxes, from January 2011. You can
get even cheaper flights if you join Spirit’s $9 Fare Club, which costs
$59.95 a year. The lowest fare for a similar flight on Air Canada is about
C$430 ($430).
Neither the minimal exchange-rate difference nor the extra distance flown
have any great impact on the fares; but the heavy government subsidies that
small American carriers receive, and the lower taxes they pay, certainly do.
Plattsburgh airport estimates Canadians make up about 85% of its passengers
each year and business is so good that Clinton County, which includes the
airport, is looking at doubling the size of the facility. That success means
Mr Rovinescu probably has a point. Then again, his airline does benefit from
other aviation policies restricting choice in the Canadian market, such as
those that keep foreign airlines off domestic routes and that have limited
the expansion of carriers like Emirates....see below.
An aviation spat
turns much sourer
8 November 2010 - The Economist (originally dated 15 October 2010)
Geopolitics has a nasty way of worming itself into any
situation. Take the five-year dispute between Canada and the United Arab
Emirates over increased landing rights in Canada for airlines from the UAE.
After Canada decided to retain the status quo—six Toronto flights to be
shared between Emirates and Etihad Airways—the UAE retaliated by evicting
Canadian troops from the Camp Mirage airbase near Dubai, a staging point for
troops and supplies on their way to Afghanistan. It had already refused to
renew landing rights for Canadian military aircraft after their expiration
in September. And on top of that, UAE officials lobbied against Canada’s bid
for one of the non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, apparently
because of Canada's “protectionist” trade policies and weak support for Arab
causes in the region.
The UAE’s actions seem heavy-handed, given that the dispute is really a
commercial one. On one side are the UAE-based airlines, which want to share
daily flights to Toronto and gain entrance to Vancouver and Calgary.
Emirates executives have argued that such an expansion could potentially
create 2,800 jobs across Canada and generate up to $480m in additional
economic activity. Those numbers convinced the premiers of Ontario, Alberta
and British Columbia to support the proposal.
On the other side stands Air Canada, which has the most to lose since it’s
the only major airline in Canada that flies to South Asia and the Middle
East. Calvin Rovinescu, the CEO, says there isn’t enough traffic between the
UAE and Canada to justify increasing flights and that any expansion would
benefit the UAE's airlines while hurting Canada's national carrier and its
partners. He believes the UAE airlines want to carry Canadians to and from
India, Pakistan and other long-haul destinations using Dubai as a hub. And
the Canadian government seems to agree—although it reportedly would have
agreed to two extra flights to cities other than Toronto or allowed more
flights if the number of seats stayed the same. But that concession would
not have closed the “huge gap” between the two sides, according to a
Canadian government source. Canadian government sources have since said they
will not be “blackmailed” by the UAE’s decision to close the military base.
It’s not just Air Canada that is reacting to the rapid expansion of Middle
Eastern airlines. European airlines are preparing to ask the European Union
to limit the incursions carriers such as Etihad and Emirates can make onto
their home turf, and request changes that will make it easier to get credit
to finance the purchase of new aircraft. The latter request is apparently
inspired by the government-backed financing that Gulf airlines receive in
the form of export credits. “We can’t get access to cheap financing that
others can, which is effectively a subsidy for airlines who are supposedly
in a great state of financial health,” says Andrew Crawley, the director of
sales and marketing at British Airways.
Gulf airlines did fare better than many other carriers during the downturn
as they were able to capture long-haul connecting traffic from competitors
in Europe, the Americas and Asia, according to the International Air
Transportation Association. Paul Griffiths, head of Dubai Airports, suggests
that the Dubai government merely treats its airlines properly. “The only
thing Dubai is guilty of is providing an environment that actually supports
aviation,” he said. “Most governments around the world treat aviation as a
pariah, choking its growth with costly, misdirected regulation, instead of
adopting policies that recognise its considerable socio-economic benefits
and support its sustainable growth. They then compound the problem with
parasitic forms of taxation that usually flow straight out of the sector.”
Whichever side you believe, now that geopolitical issues are involved it’s
clear the ride could get bumpy. Who stands to lose most? The travellers.
Emirates versus Indian bureaucracy
8 November 2010
Now here is a likely waste of time and money; India's
Director General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) has indicted Emirates Airline for
the manner in which the pilot and other officials handled its Dubai-Kochi
flight on April 25 that suffered air turbulence that left 18 passengers and
one crew injured.
A report prepared by S. Durrairaj, inquiry officer, regional controller of
air safety, southern region, said that prompt communication between the
captain of the aircraft and the air traffic controller at Kochi was lacking
during the incident.
The report said airline officials were trying to suppress information and
had mentioned only one passenger was injured while the total number of
people injured included one crew and 18 passengers.
The inquiry also found that the flight officials failed to inform the
passengers at the right time to use seat belts when the aircraft suffered
air turbulence.
The report said the airline be directed to tell its flight officials to see
that they get in touch with air traffic controllers in time.
This flight hit clear air turbulence; invisible to radar. The
crew will have dealt with the altitude change and securing the airplane
before reporting the weather to ATC.
Thailand's silence on Burma poll is
deafening
8 November 2010 - Bangkok Post
"Thai and foreign media held their breath when Prime Minister Abhisit
Vejjajiva made his first official trip to Burma just weeks before the
country's first elections in 20 years. The visit turned out to be nothing
more than a business trip, with the prime minister showing far more interest
in inking a US$13 billion (390 billion baht) deep-sea port investment deal
in Dawei, formerly Tavoy, than in discussing the upcoming elections.
Mr Abhisit's silence at this crucial time only assists the
junta's efforts to legitimise ongoing military rule under a new "civilian"
guise. It would be naive to think the Thai government was unaware of the
consequences of its own policy. In fact, in its silence, Thailand is joined
by China, India, and other members of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations who regardless of election-day ballot-stuffing, see these elections
as a golden opportunity to justify increased trade and investment with their
resource-rich neighbour.
There are two possible reasons for the Thai government's
silence, one being its own tenuous position since the crackdown on red shirt
protests earlier this year. Since May, Mr Abhisit has faced intense
criticism for the 92 casualties of mostly unarmed civilians, putting him in
a tough position to call for human rights, freedom of expression, and the
release of political prisoners in Burma. The other more significant reason
for Thailand's "golden" silence on Burma's politics is that it remains
Burma's top trade and investment partner.
By putting short-term business interests first, Thai policy
is not only destructive for Burma's people, but shortsighted for Thailand as
well. In fact, the Yadana natural gas pipeline, in which PTTEP holds a large
stake, has already proven to be one of the Burma regime's largest sources of
income, and continues to be linked to killings and forced labour committed
by the Burmese army, which provides pipeline security. Many villagers in the
ethnic Karen areas surrounding the pipeline have been forcibly displaced,
some joining the 2-3 millions of refugees and migrants who find a safe haven
in Thailand. Local people rarely see the benefits of these so-called
development projects, and in some cases such aggrieved populations have
targeted international investments to express their discontent _ take for
example the multiple bombings of China's dam in Kachin state in April.
Expected clashes between the Burmese army and ethnic armies
that refused to give up their arms before the election will only contribute
to instability along the border. By putting business ahead of politics,
Thailand is not only contributing to Burma's threat to regional peace and
stability but putting its own investments at risk.
In the run up to Burma's elections, democratic governments
have responded in two main ways, with some boldly stating that the elections
will in no way be free or fair, and others taking a "wait and see" approach.
Thailand, on the other hand, has already sent clear signals through Mr
Abhisit's business trip that it is willing to accept these elections as
democratic progress, even if that couldn't be further from the truth.
During the Asean summit in Hanoi last month, the only
regional governments daring to criticise the blatant election problems were
Indonesia and the Philippines. By not speaking out while its more democratic
neighbours do, Thailand has further proven that it is quickly losing its
ground as a positive democratic force in the region.
If the Thai government wants to move beyond its shortsighted
Burma policy, there are two things it can do. First, it can join critical
voices inside and outside of Burma who understand that undemocratic
elections without reconciliation will not lead to peace and stability.
Second, as sitting president of the United Nations Human Rights Council,
Thailand can join the global call for a UN Commission of Inquiry into war
crimes and crimes against humanity. Such crimes will only increase
post-election when the regime is likely to consolidate its power through
attacks against ethnic armed groups. Despite Thailand's obvious stake in all
of this, and its potential influence as Burma's neighbour and biggest
investor, there is little promise that it will do either.
Kriangsak Teerakowitkajorn is a lecturer at the College of
Interdisciplinary Studies at Thammasat University, Lampang. His research
focuses on the impact of development projects in the Greater Mekong
Sub-region. Emily Hong is a writer and advocate working to support Burma's
democracy and ethnic rights movement. She is a contributor to the
forthcoming book Nowhere to Be Home: Narrators from Survivors of Burma's
Military Regime."
Emirates plane
in Dubai airport touch and go
7th November
2010
An incident was
averted earlier today at Dubai's airport when an Emirates flight took off
mere seconds after touching down because another carrier was already on the
same runway. Emirates 24-7 going for the sensational, and the implausible,
says that a "major air disaster was averted."
"Emirates flight EK523 from Trivandrum to Dubai landed at 0722 on November
7, 2010. The aircraft initiated a go-around sequence at the time of landing,
after momentarily touching the runway. This is a standard procedure
initiated by crew or Air Traffic Control to ensure the safe operation of the
flight," said an Emirates spokesperson.
"The safety of our
passengers and crew is of paramount importance and will not be compromised,”
the spokesperson added.
The near miss involved flight number EK523, an Airbus A330 arriving from the
South Indian city of Thiruvananthapuram.
This must have
looked good on the front view camera which Emirates switches on for landing.
But that is the point. It was a clear morning. There are many planes
landing. The plane in front probably missed its runway exit and was still on
the runway as EK523 touched down. So the pilots, with the preceding plane in
sight simply selected a go-around.
The only issue for
the crew is that they were doing this after a 10 hour duty time overnight to
India.
After climbing
away from the airfield the captain apologised for the inconvenience, saying
that because there was another plane already on the runway, he was forced to
abort the landing.
Both Emirates
Airline and Dubai Airports said they are investigating the matter. Not a big
deal.
This is getting
silly
7 November 2010
Remember the
Emirates dispute with Canada?
Canada refused new
landing slots to both Emirates and Etihad.
The UAE threw
Canada out of Camp Mirage, its logistics base in Dubai.
Then the UAE
refused to allow a Canadian government jet to land and refuel in the UAE.
This is second
hand news, which I have not been able to verify but, reports from Canada's
foreign affairs office indicate that as of Jan 2nd, 2011, all Canadians
wishing to visit the UAE will have to obtain a Visa prior to traveling to
the UAE. 30 day Visa's will no longer be issued upon arrival at the airport
in the UAE.
This is foreign
affairs masquerading as a business dispute and the only person who suffers
is the traveler. So what next; will Canada close its airspace to UAE
airlines. So far Canada has not been drawn into taking reciprocal action.
Journalism in
the Gulf is losing its appeal
6 November 2010 - originally publishes in the Guardian on 3 September
2010 08.00
Hussain
Ahmad is chief sub-editor at The Peninsula daily, Qatar
Recently a friend
of mine who wanted to start a magazine in a Gulf country asked a prominent
journalist in India to look for an editor to work with him. My friend wanted
someone with modest experience and the salary offered was decent. After two
months came the reply: the search in India had turned up nothing and, more
surprisingly, many young journalists who were contacted didn't even bother
to get the details of the offer.
This is not unusual. Across the Gulf, an increasing number of newspapers and
other publications are finding it difficult to recruit journalists from
India, and some have to contend with a depleting staff. Also, many Indians
who joined the Gulf media recently have returned home.
This development marks a seismic change in the short history of English
journalism in the Gulf. For decades, Indians have formed the backbone of the
region's English-language press and currently constitute around 70% of its
journalists.
So why is the Gulf losing its allure for Indian journalists? First, India is
witnessing a media boom, which has resulted in an unprecedented surge in
salaries. Television channels are proliferating, newspapers are on an
expansion spree and new players are entering the market – all of which have
opened up an Eldorado of opportunities for local journalists. At the same
time in the Gulf, salaries haven't kept pace with galloping inflation due to
the availability of cheap labour from a number of countries.
Secondly, journalism in the Gulf is not held in high esteem by media
professionals in India, and Gulf experience adds no value to one's CV. Those
who have had a long stint in the region admit it has been a drain on their
creativity and a corrosive influence. There is no professional growth for a
large majority, no freedom of expression and no competition, and journalism
practised there is, at best, the PR variety.
Investigation into sensitive issues is unheard of. The Gulf governments tend
to have an aversion to public exposure of anything negative and detest
controversies. Even the local population doesn't expect foreigners to dig up
anything murky, as it is seen as an intrusion. The lines are clearly drawn
and foreign journalists should not cross them – unless they are prepared for
a one-way ticket home.
In the Gulf, it's not governments alone that influence news. Commenting on
an article I wrote in Cif recently about migration to the Gulf from the
Indian state of Kerala, a reader said Indian journalists in the Gulf should
highlight the exploitation of workers by companies, especially those managed
by Indians.
He was perhaps alluding to the failure of Indian journalists to expose the
violations committed by their own countrymen. This failure is a fact and is
a rank example of both the helplessness and degeneration of Indian media
workers. Businessmen are the biggest dispensers of gifts and favours to
journalists, and the latter wouldn't do anything to invite their
displeasure. Even if a few want to expose their misdeeds, they may not
succeed because businessmen, as advertisers, have immense influence over
media owners. This doesn't mean they routinely flout the laws, but that free
and fair reporting is very tough.
Indian journalists working in the Gulf miss the influence and social status
they enjoy back home. India has a free media and journalists have easy
access to all centres of power. Politicians, bureaucrats and celebrities
court them, and vice versa. Steady, stunning exposés of corruption in high
places, controversies involving celebrities, and a stream of sensational
stories make their career exciting.
For those who are used to such heady stuff, reporting on the routine
activities of expatriate organisations and the inauguration of neighbourhood
supermarkets in a Gulf country will appear not only utterly stupefying, but
even outright trash.
The English-language media in this region will continue to be dominated by
foreigners, Indians or others, for a long time. Gulf citizens are a rare
sight in the newsrooms. Despite the vigorous nationalisation of jobs being
undertaken by governments, there is no talk of representation of Gulf
nationals in the English-language media. The reason: this is a creative
profession that requires both skills and experience to excel, and Gulf
citizens who enter the field don't have the patience to acquire both – at
least, not for the salaries they are paid.
The new trend doesn't mean that Indians will soon empty out of the
newsrooms. India has a huge reservoir of manpower; so replacement will not
be a problem. But quality will certainly be a casualty if managements don't
take corrective steps to retain and attract talent.
While I was writing this, my mobile phone rang. I answered the call and my
colleague broke the news: he has submitted his resignation.
Swapping
uniforms for suits
6 November 2010
Tomorrow the
Burmese people go to the ballot box for the first time in 20 years.
A military regime
has ruled since a 1962 coup and the ruling military has stacked the decks so
thoroughly in its favor that the victory of army-backed parties is assured.
Aung San Suu Kyi's
National League for Democracy (NLD) was the winning party at the country's
last polls back in 1990; the junta simply ignored the result and have held
the lady under house arrest ever since.
At least people
are voting. It may be the beginning of change. But Burma certainly won't
become a democracy at the stroke of midnight on Nov. 7.
Under the new
constitution which received a preposterous 93% approval from the
"electorate" in 2008, the military has reserved 25% of parliamentary seats
for itself. Key leadership posts, like the presidency, cannot be filled by
civilians.
Still fearful of
Aung San Suu Kyi the constitution included a rule that bars anyone who has
been married to a foreigner, Suu Kyi's late husband was a British academic.
Conveniently her most recent stint of house arrest expire just six days
after the election.
Those opposition forces that have decided to contest the polls, around 30
disparate political parties and a dozen or so independent candidates, have
complained of constant government-imposed obstacles to campaigning.
Opposition
candidates cannot directly criticize the junta. They cannot organize mass
rallies. They cannot even campaign in small groups without filling in reams
of paperwork with local authorities. Such impediments, of course, don't
hinder the military's proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP),
and, to a lesser extent, another government-associated bloc called the
National Unity Party (NUP). The USDP, in particular, has enjoyed constant
favorable coverage in the state-controlled media. It also can freely use
state funds for campaign purposes.
Prying foreigners have been kept out of the country. And the country's
Internet connection has been severely limited over the past week, a slowdown
many suspect is an attempt by the government to keep a free flow of
information from influencing the polls.
Independent
monitors and foreign journalists have been banned from covering the
balloting. The U.S., the E.U. and the U.N. have all warned that the election
will be neither free nor fair.
Not content with the already considerable rigging in its favor, the junta in
recent weeks has also canceled balloting in certain ethnic minority areas,
deeming these pockets too unstable for voting. Roughly 40% of Burma's
population hails from a diverse patchwork of ethnic groups, while the junta
is exclusively ethnically Burman, also known as Bamar. Ever since the
British departed in 1948, various ethnic rebel armies have fought against
the central government. Although ceasefires have been signed with some of
the biggest rebel groups, tensions between the Burman regime and the ethnic
groups that are clustered in Burma's borderlands remain on a hair-trigger.
Further inflaming anger was a decision last month by the junta's electoral
commission to dissolve some ethnic minority parties that might have mounted
a serious local challenge to the junta, such as the Kachin State Progressive
Party that was likely to have garnered significant support in northern
Kachin state.
Not that conditions are much better in regions where Burmans dominate. One
weekday afternoon shortly before the election, at a time when campaigning
would normally be in full swing in other countries, downtown Rangoon, the
former capital, was unnaturally quiet, save for the sound of old diesel
engines and betel nut juice being expectorated by pedestrians. Suddenly the
silence was broken by a man in a green cap and longyi, as Burmese sarongs
are known, broadcasting pledges through a megaphone. He was trailed by a
dozen women, who handed out pamphlets to onlookers, few of whom looked eager
to receive the campaign materials. "We will bring you uninterrupted
electricity," said the candidate for the USDP, the junta's proxy party.
"Clean streets and new buildings will be yours after the election."
But, and there is
a but, dozens of opposition candidates have still decided to contest anyway
against huge odds. Many are from the ethnic parties, who hope that victory
will allow them a modicum of control over local government policies, ranging
from the use of native languages to dispersal of tax revenue. (In the 1990
polls, the party that came in second after the NLD was one representing the
Shan ethnicity.)
Other parties
running on Nov. 7 are the tattered fragments of the non-racially based
democratic opposition that trounced the junta's proxy party two decades ago.
After Suu Kyi called for an electoral boycott earlier this year, a breakaway
NLD group refashioned itself as the National Democratic Force (NDF). The
party was only able to muster 160 candidates (in contrast to 1,100-plus for
the USDP), in part because of more jiggering by the junta: opposition
parties were only given a fortnight to find candidates, and each contender
had to fork over a US$500 registration fee to the government-controlled
election commission. That amount is roughly equivalent to what an average
Burmese makes in an entire year. Since campaigning has begun, the NDF has
complained of persistent government pressure, ranging from its few posters
being torn down to its supporters being harassed by special branch police.
For the election winners; they get to go to the massive, gaudy parliament
building in the new capital Naypyidaw.
Independent
parliamentarians can expect intimidation. But they will be giving a small
voice to the Burmese people. In a country with some of the most oppressed
people in the world, that's almost more than anyone can really expect.
Of course the
governments of India and China have been quick to praise the election as
part of a "road map to democracy."
Anyone who thinks
that the junta is giving up any of its powers has been deeply misled. The
leaders may swap their uniforms for suits but nothing else will change.
European Union
countries represented in Burma issued a complaint of their own yesterday. In
a terse statement, they said that EU embassies in Yangon — those of Germany,
Italy, France and the United Kingdom — would not accept government
invitations to participate in "explanatory tours" on election day due to
rules applying to the visits. The statement did not elaborate.
Western nations have said the junta's election plans don't meet acceptable
standards of fairness. No surprise.
Potash wars
4 November 2010
Canada has rejected the Australian miner BHP Billiton’s $39bn bid for
PotashCorp, dealing a potentially fatal blow to the Australian miner’s
10-week pursuit of the Saskatchewan-based fertiliser producer.
Tony Clement, Canada’s industry minister, said: “At this time, I am not
satisfied that the proposed transaction is likely to be of net benefit to
Canada [as required by Ottawa’s foreign investment law].”
This is a little
naive. PCS is substantially managed from the USA already. BHP had committed
to moving management back to Canada and investing in the Canadian operation.
Is this part of a play for a higher price; Mr Clement did note that under
the legislation “BHP Billiton has 30 days to make any additional
representations and submit any undertakings”.
Canada has only once before blocked a foreign takeover, rejecting Alliant
Techsystems’ bid in 2008 for MacDonald Dettwiler on national security
grounds.
The minority Conservative government has been torn between its professed
support for liberalised trade and investment, and a groundswell of
opposition against foreign control of a strategic resource. PotashCorp
accounts for about a third of the world’s supplies of the food nutrient.
Emirates has faced
similar issues with a supposedly pro-business government actually proving
itself to be fundamentally protectionist.
Funny how the UK
government had no problem with for instance Thomson Corp in Canada acquiring
Reuters. Yet the Saskatchewan premier has urged the government to
“stand up for Canada” and its national strategic interests by rejecting the
bid. “In this deal we would lose a proud Canadian company,” he said when he
launched his campaign against the takeover last month.
Now the
Australians have been rejected the Russians and the Chinese are seeking to
acquire the company. Oh Canada, do you want an Australian mining partner to
co-operate with or Russian or Chinese owners. PCS is for sale. Find the
right purchaser.
SQ now delaying
A380 flights
4 November 2010
Singapore Airlines
will delay all flights on its Airbus A380 fleet pending precautionary checks
after the same model operated by Qantas Airlines suffered engine failure, an
official said on Thursday.
It was not immediately clear how many flights would be affected or for how
long.
"Our engine manufacturer Rolls Royce and aircraft manufacturer Airbus have
advised us to conduct precautionary technical checks on our A380 aircraft,
following today's incident involving another operator's A380," Nicholas
Ionides, Singapore Airlines' vice president for public affairs, said in a
statement.
"Resulting from this development, Singapore Airlines will be delaying all
flights operating our A380 aircraft."
SQ's A380s are,
like those of Qantas, powered by Rolls Royce engines. The Emirates Airline
A380s are powered by GE engines.
Qantas A380
suffers engine explosion
4 November 2010
Mishap prone
Qantas Airlines became the first carrier to suffer a major A380 incident
today when an engine explosion on climb out from Singapore left engine parts
scattered over Batam and forced the plane to return to Singapore with over
400 very alarmed passengers.
Qantas described
the problem as an "engine issue." The damage suggests this was rather more
than an "issue."
They are clearly
taking this incident seriously as the airline has now grounded its entire
fleet of A380 aircraft saying that "we will suspend all A380 takeoffs until
we are fully confident we have sufficient information about (flight) QF32,"
according to Qantas Chief Executive Alan Joyce. Qantas operates six A380s.
There is clear
damage to the wing suggesting that it was punctured by debris. And the wing
is full of fuel.